Battle of Talas

Battle of Talas
Part of the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana

Scheme of the battle
DateMay–September 751
Location
Result Abbasid victory
Territorial
changes
  • Consolidation of Abbasid rule in Transoxania
  • End of Tang presence in Transoxania
Belligerents
Abbasid Caliphate
Tibetan Empire
Commanders and leaders
Strength
Chinese sources:
200,000
20,000–30,000 Karluks[2][3]
Modern estimate:
30,000[3]
Chinese sources:
10,000–20,000 Tang soldiers[2][3]
20,000–30,000 Karluks (later defected to Abbasid side)[2][3]
Arab sources:
100,000
Casualties and losses
Unknown Chinese sources:
20,000–30,000 killed[1][4]
~2,000 survived and retreated[2]
Arab sources:
45,000–50,000 killed[5]
20,000–25,000 captured[5]

The Battle of Talas (Chinese: 怛羅斯戰役; pinyin: Dáluósī Zhànyì; Arabic: معركة نهر طلاس, romanizedMaʿrakat nahr Ṭalās) was an armed confrontation between the Abbasid Caliphate along with the Tibetan Empire against the Tang dynasty and its allies in 751. In July of that year, the Tang and Abbasid armies clashed at the Talas River over control of the regions surrounding the Syr Darya. The Tang army under Gao Xianzhi was defeated by the Abbasid army under Ziyad ibn Salih and Karluk mercenaries. Sources differ on whether the Karluks defected to the Abbasids or if they were Abbasid allies from the start. The defeat marked the end of Tang influence in Transoxiana and halted Tang westward expansion.

After the battle, the caliph dispatched an envoy to the emperor, who arrived in December 752 to negotiate the restoration of diplomatic relations.[6] Chinese prisoners captured at Talas in 751 are said to have introduced papermaking to the peoples of West Asia, although this account is disputed by several findings.

Location

Map of Transoxiana, with the Talas River in the upper right

The exact location of the battle has not been confirmed but is believed to be near Taraz and Talas, on the border between present-day Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. The Chinese name 怛羅斯; Dáluósī was first seen in the account of Xuanzang. Du Huan located the city near the western drain of the Chui River.[1]

Background

The territorial extent of the Tang dynasty c. 700, showing the long and narrow Hexi Corridor connecting its expanded western frontier to China proper

The oasis towns on the Silk Road in central Asia had once been controlled by the Türgesh, but the Turkic tribal confederation plunged into chaos in the latter half of the 7th century. Empress Wu had retaken control of the Tarim Basin from the Tibetan Empire in 692 as part of the Tang expansion in Inner Asia and the oasis towns became a major source of income for the Tang. In 705, Qutayba ibn Muslim started to lead the Umayyad army on campaigns to conquer towns across along the Silk Road, exploiting Türgesh infighting.[7] The caliphate conquered the oasis towns Bukhara and Samarkand, expanding the border of their empire eastwards. At the same time, the Türgesh khagan Suluk began uniting the infighting Türgesh tribes.[8] The Muslim, Tibetan and Tang armies would have two encounters. In 715, Alutar was established as king of Fergana with the help of Umayyad and Tibetan soldiers. The deposed Ikhshid fled to the Tang controlled Kuqa and requested the aid of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang; 10,000 Tang soldiers reinstated Ikhshid as Fergana's king. In 717, Umayyad soldiers, assisted by the Tibetan Empire, besieged Aksu City in the Tarim Basin, but were defeated by the Tang military in the Battle of Aksu.

In 715, the Tang emperor declined the demand of the Türgesh tribe leader Suluk to be recognized as Khagan, instead offering him the rank of duke within the Tang military. In response, Suluk invaded the Tarim Basin along with the Tibetans, but they were driven out by the cavalry of Ashina Xian.[9] Suluk and his soldiers regularly challenged Umayyad–Tang control of the oasis towns. Before Suluk's death, his soldiers were defeated by the Tang in 736 and by the Caliphate in 737.[10] At the same time, Türgesh tribes established metal industries in Tang-controlled Fergana Valley, an area that was also home to important centres of iron production. The Karluks, a federation of three Türgesh tribes with settlements around Tian Shan, were producers and exporters of iron weapons to the Tibetan Empire and the Tang dynasty.[11]

In 747, the Tang general Gao Xianzhi, who had successfully fought the Tibetan empire in the Pamir Mountains, established control over the Gilgit region. In early 748, the Abbasid general Abu Muslim occupied Merv, the capital of Greater Khorasan, and went on to lead what has become known as the Abbasid Revolution. In 750, Abu al-'Abbas al-Saffah was proclaimed the first Abbasid caliph in the great mosque of Kufa. The Umayyad Caliphate fell in 750 at the Battle of the Zab.[12] Abu Muslim had raised an army that included Muslims and non-Muslims, which he dispatched westwards to take control over Umayyad territory.[1] In Fergana, the Tang general Gao Xianzhi raised an army by recruiting Karluk Turks. During the reign of Lalitaditya Muktapida, the Karkota dynasty of Kashmir that acknowledged the Tang as suzerain or their vassal lord, supported the Chinese against the Tibetans.[13] According to art historians Denise Patry Leidy and Donna K. Strahan, Kashmir "helped defeat the Arabs at the Battle of Talas in 751".[14]

Battle

Modern view of Talas River, which starts in the mountains of Kyrgyzstan and winds down into Kazakhstan. On the right side of the river is the city of Taraz.

The confrontation first emerged during the incident in the land of Shash (modern Tashkent). The Ikhshid of Ferghana came into conflict with the king of Shash and sought assistance from the Chinese ruler. Gao Xianzhi, the commander who led an army of Tang and Karluk soldiers against the kingdom of Shi (Shash) in Tashkent. The king of Shi surrendered and submitted to Chinese authority, after which he and his followers were treated without harm but Gao's army plundered the city anyways. The king was brought back to the Tang capital of Chang'an where he was executed by order of Emperor Xuanzong of Tang. The king's son then sought assistance from the Abbasids in the year 133 AH / 751 CE.[2][15][16]

The number of the combatants involved in the battle of Talas are not known with certainty. According to Chinese sources, the Abbasid army consisted of 200,000 soldiers, included contingents from their Tibetan ally. On the opposite side, Arabic records put the combined Chinese forces at 100,000. Chinese sources record a combined army of 30,000 consisting of 10,000 Tang infantry and 20,000 Karluk mercenaries.[17] A Western estimate of Abbasid forces puts them at 30,000 strong.[3]

The Tongdian (801), the earliest narrative for battle itself by either side, suggests 30,000 deaths, and the Old Book of Tang (945) counted 20,000 deaths in this battle.[1] Arabic sources estimate Chinese casualties at between 45,000 and 50,000 dead, along with 20,000 to 25,000 captured.[18] Gao Xianzhi's official position was that of the Anxi Jiedu envoy,[19] The total number of Tang troops in the jurisdiction was 24,000 and was stationed in the four countries of Qiuzi, Yanqi, Khotan, and Shule.[20]

Gao Xianzhi was crossing the Pamirs on his return trip to China when he received news of the advancing Arab army. He turned back to confront the Arab army, catching them on the southern bank of the Talas River near the modern city of Taraz. In July 751, the Arab advance guard spotted the Tang forces and opted to hold their ground by digging trenches and forming a densely packed shield and spear formation. They held out until the main army under the command of Ziyad arrived, forcing the Tang forces to retreat to Taraz.[3]

The sequence of the first three days of the battle were similar to each other, with the Chinese attacking first from the front, with their archers and crossbowmen dealing substantial damage to the Arab archers with greater accuracy and ranged superiority in crossbows.[21][22] For five days, the two armies fought to a stalemate using similar tactics. They formed a shield wall with their infantry, behind which the archers shot volleys of arrows. Occasionally cavalry would charge the enemy and attempt to make a breakthrough.[3]

The Karluk mercenaries, two-thirds of the Tang army, defected to the Abbasids on the fifth day of the battle. Karluk troops attacked the Tang army from the rear while the main Abbasid forces attacked from the front. Gao's troops held out until nightfall before managing to retreat to their camp escape with some of his Tang regulars. Despite the defeat, Gao wanted to continue the battle the next day, however his lieutenant Li Siye convinced him that such a path would lead to their complete destruction. The next morning, the Tang forces started retreating eastward across the Tian Shan mountain range. While they were crossing the mountains, their former Ferghanese allies suddenly attacked them. With the help of Li Siye, who led what remained of the armored cavalry to cut a path out of the encirclement, Gao and many his officers managed to escape, but most of their troops were captured. Out of an estimated 10,000 or 20,000 Tang troops, less than 2,000 managed to return from Talas to their territory in central Asia. Despite losing the battle, Li did inflict heavy losses on the pursuing Arab army after being reproached by Duan Xiushi.[23][2][24][3]

Islamic sources give a different account of the battle. According to these sources, the Tang aided the recently deposed Umayyad Caliphate against the Abbasids in Bukhara and Sogdiana. The two sides engaged in a contest over the Silk Road and its neighboring kingdoms, resulting in the battle in 751, where the Abbasids defeated the Tang army.[5] According to al-Maqdisi and Ibn al-Athir, approximately, 45,000 to 50,000 Chinese soldiers were killed and 20,000 to 25,000 fell as captives. as Arabic sources claim that the Tang commander, Gao Xianzhi, was also killed in action during the battle.[16] As this battle would not have been mentioned were it not for the fact that it determined the fate of Transoxiana, particularly in cultural and political terms. It marked the withdrawal of Tang political influence and the permanent retreat of Chinese civilization, as well as end of Tang expansion from Transoxania,[25] leaving it to fall under the control of Islamic political power first, and then under the enduring influence of Islamic civilization in religion, thought, art, and traditions to this day.[26] It also resulted in Tang being sidelined from the ongoing struggle between the Arabs and both the eastern and western Turks, bringing an end to the long-standing political, military, and economic cooperation between the Turks and the Tang Empire. This cooperation subsequently shifted from eastern to western Turkestan, meaning that after the battle the Turks changed their sphere of orientation and influence. They were left to confront Islamic power on their own, relying solely on their own efforts and resources. This led to their fragmentation, with some Turkic groups being allied with the Arabs while others opposed them for a long period, before eventually becoming integrated into Islamic civilization.[26] Finally, the Tang Empire was compelled to accept Muslim control over the major international trade routes passing through Transoxania. These routes had long been the reason for China's involvement in Turkic affairs, but from this point onward, their various branches and paths came under Muslim control.[26][27]

According to the 13th century historian, Al-Dhahabi, the Karluks had always been allied with the Abbasid army and entered the battle on their side. Historian Filippo Donvito speculates that the Karluks were simply biding their time to get rid of their Chinese overlords, who had by that time a long history of conquest in Central Asia while the Arabs were still relative newcomers, regardless of what agreement they had with Ziyad.[3]

Aftermath

Strategic consequences

From one perspective, the battle has been interpreted to be of great significance. The Arab-Islamic civilization prevailed over the Chinese civilization in Transoxania, consolidating Abbasid control of the region and the Silk Road, severing the alliance between the Chinese and the Turks, leading the submission and Islamization of the Turkic principalities,[28] and forcing the Tang withdraw from Central Asia west of Xinjiang,[29][30][31][32][33][28] marking the decline of the Tang Empire.[34][35] Another perspective argues that the battle was of no strategic importance. The Abbasid victory secured the permanent establishment of Islam up to the Amu Syr region and caused the decline of Central Asian Buddhism,[36] but no significant loss or gain of territory occurred and the borders remained relatively unchanged. The Muslims continued to solidify their control over western Central Asia and the battle was viewed as a mere border skirmish.[37] Relations between the Abbasids and the Tang went back to normal almost immediately and four visits by Arab envoys to the Tang court are recorded from 752 to 753. In 755, the An Lushan rebellion forced the Tang to withdraw troops from the Protectorate General to Pacify the West, ending their presence in Central Asia.[38][39][40]

The Chinese historian Bai notes that at the same time that the Battle of Talas was taking place, the Tang also sent an army to Suyab and consolidated Chinese control over the Turgesh. Tang commander Feng Changqing, who replaced Gao Xianzhi, recaptured Gilgit two years later. Shash (Tashkent) re-established its vassal status in 753 when its ruler received titles from the Tang. Central Asian states under Muslim control, such as Samarkand, continued to request aid from the Tang against the Abbasids. Ferghana, which participated in the battle earlier, joined the central Asian auxiliaries with the Chinese army and entered Gansu under summons during the An Lushan Rebellion in 756.[41]

In 752 CE, an embassy from the Afshin, which was a Sogdian title used for the ruler of Principality of Ushrusana, arrived at the Tang court requesting aid against the Abbasids.[26][42][43] Emperor Xuanzong declined the request for military assistance, instead asking the Afshin to maintain peace in the region, possibly reflecting the Tang assessment of Abbasid military strength and a desire to avoid further conflict in Central Asia. While no direct Tang response against Ushrusana is recorded, according to al-Nasafi, Ziyad ibn Salih was dispatched by Abu Muslim against Barkath, described as a village in Ushrusana, where he killed the local dihqan, though it remains unclear whether these events were connected to the embassy.[44] Chinese sources mentioned that In 754, all nine kingdoms of Western Turkestan sent petitions to the Tang to attack the Abbasids, which the Tang continued to turn down as it did for decades.[41]

According to a text by Al-Maqdisi, one of the few Arabic sources on the battle that has survived, Abbasid general Abu Muslim took 5,000 Chinese prisoners and confiscated possessions from the Tang military camp. Abu Muslim prepared his forces to invade further into Tang controlled territory, however he was called back by the caliph As-Saffah to serve as governor of Khurasan.[45] The Abbasids took the kingdom of Shash and coerced the Tang army to evacuate the Gilgit region. In spite of this, the Tang retained considerable influence over eastern Central Asia. In 753, Tang forces under Feng Changqing recovered the kingdoms of Little and Great Balur in the Gilgit region. They also appointed a Turgesh khan over the tribes in the former territory of the Western Turkic Khaganate.[46][47][48][49][50][51]

After the Battle of Talas, Military and political cooperation was severed for a considerable period between the Tang dynasty and the Eastern Turkic princes. With Chinese removed from the battlefield, it became inevitable for the Turkic princes to face the Abbasids alone, which led to their division. A segment of them sided with the Arabs, convinced that there was no benefit in continuing the fight, while the other segment no longer posed a serious threat but was limited to conducting hit-and-run raids.[52]

One of the outcomes of the Abbasid consolidation over Transoxania well into the mid-thirteen century, which Islam spread among the turkic people.[25] a small number of Karluks converted to Islam. However, the majority would not convert until the mid-10th century, when Sultan Satuq Bughra Khan established the Kara-Khanid Khanate.[53][54][55][56][57] Despite fighting against the Tang in 751, the Tang continued to exert influence over the Karluks, who never again opposed the Chinese. In 752, the Karluk Yabghus sent two diplomatic missions to the Tang to cultivate closer relations, probably due to their unsuccessful efforts to overthrow the Uyghur Khaganate. In 753, the Karluk Yabghus submitted to the army of Cheng Qianli and accepted appointment as Tang bridle officials. In late 753, the Karluks captured Abuz Yabghu, a Tang general of Turkic descent who had defected to the Tongluo chief earlier in 743. As a reward, the Karluk Yabghu Tun Bilga was given the title of "Khagan of the Turgish" as well as the title of a Tang commandery prince on 22 October. An additional 130 tribal leaders who visited the Tang court were given substantial rewards, including official positions and material rewards. The Karluks' relationship with the Tang started drifting apart once again after the An Lushan Rebellion, and they migrated west.[58][40] The Karluks expanded their settlements around Tian Shan, and also settled westwards in Abbasid-controlled Fergana and Tukharistan. Iron weapons continued to be exported to Tibet and China on the Silk Roads between Kuqa and Aksu near the Tarim Basin. Arabic sources record that in the 10th century Aksu and Fergana had markets for arms traders.[11]

Caliph al-Saffah died in 754. Chinese sources record that his successor, the Abbasid caliph al-Mansur, sent his diplomatic delegations regularly to China. Al-Mansur's delegations were known in China as Khayi Tashi (Black Clothes).[59]

During the reign of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur (140–158 AH/757–775 CE), the Abbasid forces re-established control over Transoxiana and ended the Tang military presence in the region. The Chinese were unable to form a successful alliance with the Turkic forces of Transoxiana against the Abbasids. As a result, Muslim forces faced only the armies of the Turkic rulers without Chinese support. The Turkic groups, lacking external support, were unable to mount effective resistance against the Abbasid forces, and their political cohesion weakened.[60] They fragmented into smaller entities with limited regional influence, such as the Karluk principality east of the Syr Darya in 766 CE and the Oghuz in the same region. The Turkic groups were no longer able to form a unified military coalition or challenge Abbasid control of Transoxiana, and their activities were largely confined to occasional raids on its frontiers.[61]

Following Tang's decline in the region in the early years of Caliph al-Mansur's reign, Turkic resistance to Abbasid authority weakened significantly. The Abbasids maintained a defensive posture against potential movements by the Eastern Turks and suppressed local unrest in the frontier region. During this period, the most notable conflict on the eastern frontier involved the Ferghana Kingdom. Its ruler, Fanran ibn Afrakfun, either attacked trade caravans, refused to pay tribute to al-Mansur, or resisted Islamic expansion.[62] In response, Caliph al-Mansur dispatched Layth ibn Tarif, who besieged the ruler in his capital, Kashgar. After a sustained campaign, the ruler of Ferghana was forced to negotiate peace and agree to pay a substantial sum. He subsequently sent one of his men, known as Batijur, to Baghdad, likely either to finalize the settlement with the Abbasid court or as a hostage to guarantee compliance.[62][63] According to Arabic sources, This action served to discourage other regional rulers from challenging Abbasid authority, particularly given concerns that the Tang forces might exploit regional instability to avenge their earlier defeat at Talas.[63]

Caliph al-Mansur established friendly relations with the Chinese. Historical sources mention a series of successive Arab embassies after the Battle of Talas. in 756, Abu Ja'far al-Mansur provided the Chinese Emperor Xuanzong of Tang with a contingent of 3,000 to 4,000 soldiers to suppress the rebellion that erupted against him. After suppressing this rebellion, the Emperor allowed them to settle in China's most important cities as a reward for the assistance they provided to the Emperor. Over time, these Arabs married Chinese women, and a new generation emerged, from whom came the Muslims of China.[64][65]

As a result of these good relations between both sides – the Abbasids and the Chinese – Arab merchants settled in China. They had a judge (qadi) who issued rulings according to Islamic law, led prayers, and performed Islamic rituals. The Chinese Empire granted Arabs special facilities for selling their goods, and the Emperor himself would order the purchase of some of these goods for his personal account. Thus, Arabs were able to penetrate deep into the country and practice trade with complete freedom. For a long time, Arabs found complete welcome there, to the extent that the shops of major Chinese merchants would supply Arab traders with all the products and fine manufactures they needed from their lands to be shipped in Arab caravans upon their return to the lands of Islam.[64]

The Abbasids continued to send embassies to China and 13 diplomatic gifts are recorded between 752 and 798.[66]

A massacre of foreign Muslim merchants by Tian Shengong, a former rebel who defected to the Tang, happened during the An Lushan rebellion in the Yangzhou massacre (760).[67]

Later history

The Tibetan Empire began attacking China, during a period where the Tibetan army also conquered territory in the Hindu Kush and Pamir Mountains from Indian kingdoms and assisted the establishment of the eastern Indian Pala Empire in the latter half of the 8th century.[68] Under the fifth Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid, a military alliance was established with the Tang and Uyghurs, who engaged the Tibetan army on the western Tibetan frontier with the Abbasids. At the same time, the Uyghurs fought the Tibetans along the Silk Road.[69]

Buddhist expansion in Asia: Mahayana Buddhism first entered China during the Han dynasty through the Silk Road during the Kushan Empire's existence. Maritime and overland trade routes were interlinked and complementary, forming what scholars have called the "great circle of Buddhism".[70]

Following the An Lushan rebellion, the diplomatic exchange between Buddhist Indian kingdoms and the Tang dynasty all but ceased. Prior to the An Lushan rebellion, between 640 and 750 diplomatic envoys from Indian kingdoms, often accompanied by Buddhist monks, had regularly visited the Tang court.[13] Chinese Buddhism developed into an independent religion with distinct spiritual elements, such as Pure Land Buddhism and Zen. China became the center of East Asian Buddhism, creating a canon and spreading on to Japan and Korea.[71] The Battle of Talas did not mark the end of Buddhism or Chinese influence in the region. The Buddhist Kara-Khitan Khanate defeated the Seljuk and Kara-Khanid Turks at the Battle of Qatwan in 1141, conquering a large part of central Asia from the Karluk Kara-Khanid Khanate during the 12th century. The Kara-Khitans also reintroduced the Chinese system of Imperial government, since China was still held in respect and esteem in the region among even the Muslim population,[72][73] and the Kara-Khitans used Chinese as an official language.[74] The Kara-Khitan rulers were called "the Chinese" by the Muslims.[75]

Papermaking

According to the 11th-century historian Al-Thaʽālibī, Chinese prisoners captured at the Battle of Talas in 751 introduced paper manufacturing to Samarkand.[76][77] They engaged in the craft of papermaking while living on land occupied by the Abbasids following Talas.[5] However, this account is unlikely to be factual. Paper was already in use throughout Central Asia by the 8th century; paper fragments dating to the 4th and 5th centuries have been found in the areas of Turpan and Gaochang, and letters written in the Sogdian language between the 4th and 6th centuries have been found in Dunhuang and Loulan. One such letter was a communication with Samarkand. According to Jonathan Bloom, paper was used in Samarkand, and probably produced there, several decades before the battle. Several paper documents have also been discovered near Panjakent at Mount Mugh, a mountain stronghold, that likely predate the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana. They were either local or came from Buddhist monks active in the region. By the 8th century, Chinese paper was mostly made of bast fibers while Islamic papers were mostly made of rag fibers. Bloom suggests that papermakers were already active in Central Asia for quite some time and had learned to use rag fibers rather than bast fibers as their primary papermaking material.[78]

No historic Chinese source records this transfer of technology through prisoners of war and no contemporary Arabic accounts of the transfer of paper exist. Du Huan, who was captured by the Abbasid army at the battle of Talas and upon his return to China published his travel writings, documented that Chinese crafts such as silk weaving were practiced by Chinese prisoners of war while living on territory controlled by the Abbasids. It may have been a convention to reference Chinese craftsmen, who had long been esteemed in Islamic lands, and Chinese paper remained a prized product for centuries. According to Al-Nadim, a writer in Baghdad during the 10th century, Chinese craftsmen made paper in Khorasan. It was only after the first paper mill was built in Baghdad in 794–795 that paper was manufactured throughout the Islamic world and paper started to replace papyrus.[79]

Modern evaluation

Among the earliest historians who proclaimed the importance of this battle was the Russian historian Vasily Bartold, according to whom: "The earlier Arab historians, occupied with the narrative of events then taking place in western Asia, do not mention this battle; but it is undoubtedly of great importance in the history of Western Turkestan as it determined the question which of the two civilizations, the Chinese or the Muslim, should predominate in the land [of Turkestan]."[80]

As Bartold stated regarding the battle: "the battle determined that the Arab civilization should prevail over Chinese civilization in the lands beyond the river [Transoxiana], and the influence of this civilization remains evident in many cities of this region."[81]

According to Bartold, during the first three centuries of Islam, al-Tabari was the chief source—which has survived to the present in a compilation by Ibn al Athir—which was brought down to 915. Neither Tabari nor early Arabic historical works make any mention of this; however, Athir's statement is confirmed by the Chinese History of the Tang Dynasty.[82]

See also

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f Bai 2003, pp. 224–225.
  2. ^ a b c d e f Chang 2023, p. 141.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i Donvito, Filippo (2015). "Treacherous auxiliaries: The Battle of the River Talas". Medieval Warfare. 5 (1): 22–27. ISSN 2211-5129. JSTOR 48578413.
  4. ^ Monro 2016, p. 151.
  5. ^ a b c d Park 2012, p. 25.
  6. ^ Bai 2003, pp. 241–242.
  7. ^ Golden, Peter B. (2011). Central Asia in World History. Oxford University Press. p. 59. ISBN 978-0-199-79317-4.
  8. ^ Skaff 2012, p. 181-182.
  9. ^ Skaff 2012, p. 182.
  10. ^ Golden, Peter B. (2011). Central Asia in World History. Oxford University Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0-199-79317-4.
  11. ^ a b LaRocca, Donald J. (2006). Warriors of the Himalayas: Rediscovering the Arms and Armor of Tibet. Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 22. ISBN 978-1-588-39180-3.
  12. ^ Karsh, Efraim (2007). Islamic Imperialism: A History. Yale University Press. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-300-12263-3.
  13. ^ a b Sen, Tansen (2003). Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600–1400. University of Hawaiʻi Press. pp. 30–34. ISBN 978-0-824-82593-5.
  14. ^ Leidy, Denise Patry; Strahan, Donna K. (2010). "Buddha Vairocana (Dari 大日佛)". Wisdom Embodied: Chinese Buddhist and Daoist Sculpture in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art. p. 96. ISBN 978-1-58839-399-9.
  15. ^ Omar 2009, p. 336.
  16. ^ a b Mustafa 1973, p. 348.
  17. ^ Bai 2003, pp. 224–226.
  18. ^ Douri 2006, p. 74.
  19. ^ Ouyang Xiu; Song Qi, eds. (1060). "vol. 135: biographies 60: Gao Xianzhi". Xin Tang Shu 新唐書 (in Literary Chinese). "帝乃擢仙芝鴻臚卿、假御史中丞,代靈察為四鎮節度使"
  20. ^ 旧唐书.地理一 (in Literary Chinese). 945. pp. ch18.
  21. ^ Clarke, Nicola Clarke (22 March 2018), "Talas, Battle of", The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-198-66277-8, retrieved 21 March 2024{{citation}}: CS1 maint: work parameter with ISBN (link)
  22. ^ Lewis 2009.
  23. ^ Bai 2003, pp. 226–228.
  24. ^ Beckwith 2009, p. 145.
  25. ^ a b Olimat 2015, p. 25.
  26. ^ a b c d Mustafa 1973, p. 349.
  27. ^ Omar 2009, p. 337.
  28. ^ a b Jenkins, Everett Allo (1999). The Muslim Diaspora: A Comprehensive Reference to the Spread of Islam in Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Americas. Vol. 1. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. p. 60. ISBN 0-7864-0431-0. LCCN 98049332. However, the Muslim Arabs were reported to be encroaching upon his territory and his authority. In response, the emperor sent a powerful Chinese expedition to reestablish his power. The Chinese entered the upper Syr Darya Val-ley but were heavily defeated by the Arab forces (led by Ziyad ibn Salih) at the Battle of Talas. This victory effectively put an end to Chinese attempts to rule in Transoxiana and was soon followed by the final submission and conversion to Islam of the rulers of the Turkistani principalities.
  29. ^ Daniel, Elton L. (2020). "KHORASAN v. History in the ʿAbbasid Period". In Yarshater, Ehsan (ed.). Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XVI: Kashan–Kešaʾi Dialect. London and New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. pp. 615–630. After the fall of Bukhara, Abu Moslem's forces were able to subjugate or pacify other areas across the Oxus, including Ḵottal, Farḡāna, Šāš (Čāč), and Keš (qq.v). In these areas, many of the local rulers were hostile to Abu Moslem, and a coalition of them appealed to T'ang China for help. A large Chinese force was sent to assist the Eḵšid (q.v.), the Sogdian ruler of Farḡāna, against the king of Šāš, and Abu Moslem retaliated by sending Ziād, his governor in Samarqand, to attack the Chinese and their allies; the main battle took place at Aṭlaḵ (Ṭarāz or Talas) in July 751 and ended in the complete rout of the Chinese coalition. Rarely mentioned by the Muslim historians (an exception is Ebn al-Aṯir, V, p. 449), the battle was of decisive importance in breaking Chinese influence in the region and beginning the process of the integration of Transoxiana into Khorasan (see Barthold, pp. 195-96; Gibb, pp. 97-98; Karev, 2002, pp. 11-16; Haug, pp. 154-58).
  30. ^ Haug, Robert (2019). The Eastern Frontier Limits of Empire in Late Antique and Early Medieval Central Asia. I.B.Tauris. p. 154. ISBN 9781788310031. While such rebellions continued, Abū Muslim also oversaw expansion into Transoxiana that took caliphal authority further beyond the River Jaxartes than ever before. Perhaps one of the more widely known events in the history of early Abbasid Central Asia is the famed Battle of Talās - also known as Tarāz or Atlakh an engagement between armies of the Abbasid and Tang Empires that took place in July 751 along the River Taraz 12 km southeast of the city of the same name at a place called Atlakh. This confrontation, often seen as a battle for control over western Central Asia, resulted in a victory for the Abbasids and began the retreat of the Tang from Central Asia. Following the outcome of the battle, it would be over 1,000 years before the Qing Dynasty (r. 1644-1912) would bring Chinese rule back to Central Asia. As Karev has argued, this was not some accidental meeting of the two empires but the direct result of the ambitions of Abū Muslim, committed to asserting Muslim control over Transoxiana in the aftermath of the Abbasid Revolution
  31. ^ Peers, Chris (2013). Battles of Ancient China. Pen & Sword Military. pp. 118–120. ISBN 1473830117. The ensuing confrontation between the Arabs and the Chinese has usually been referred to in western accounts as the Battle of Talas, after the city and river of that name, but it seems to have involved extensive manoeuvring over a wide expanse of territory over the course of several days, which tends to support the idea that most if not all of the combatants were mounted (Beckwith). In the last week of July 751, Kao Hsien-chih's forces clashed with an Arab advance guard under the command of Sa'd ibn Hamid, not far from the city of Talas. Sa'd appears to have stood on the defensive, until the approach of the main army led by Ziyad ibn Salih forced the Chinese to fall back on their own supports. Kao then deployed for battle around the town of Atlakh, and the next day Ziyad attacked him there. Tang sources say that the fighting lasted for five days, with no significant advantage gained by either side. This certainly suggests skirmishing tactics, whether or not the Arabs and their allies were exchanging missiles with Kao's troops from a distance or attempting to deliver blows with swords or lances. Neither army seems to have fielded an equivalent of the fully armoured charging cavalry that had dominated the warfare of sixth century China, and which might have forced a decision much sooner. The experience of European medieval, eighteenth century and Napoleonic warfare shows that heavy cavalry, with their vital parts protected by armour, often suffered very light casualties in combat against their equivalents, and two sides so equipped skirmishing at a distance could easily do so for a protracted period without either being seriously weakened. Finally, on the fifth day of fighting, the stalemate was broken when the Qarluq Turks suddenly defected en masse to the Arabs. The Chinese, now outnumbered, succeeded in extricating themselves under cover of darkness and fell back to their camp, where Kao held a hurried council of war. He was apparently proposing to resume the fight on the following day despite the odds against him, but his deputy commander, Li Ssu-ych, persuaded him that this course would inevitably lead to the annihilation of his army. The next morning, therefore, the Tang began a retreat to the east along a narrow track leading across a range of hills which the Chinese called the Pai-shih Ling, or White Stone Mountains. But the Ferghanans had got there first, blocking the pass with their baggage animals and retreating troops. Li Ssu-yeh, at the head of the Chinese cavalry, literally cut his way through, hacking and beating their former allies to death until the survivors abandoned the path and allowed them through. Thanks to this ruthless act Kao Hsien-chih and many of his senior officers escaped, but several thousand of the Chinese rank-and-file were overtaken by the victorious Muslims and captured. The Chinese prisoners seem on the whole to have been well treated, and as is well known, some of those incarcerated in Samarkand taught the Arabs the secret of making paper a transfer of technology to the west that would eventually have momentous consequences. Another prisoner of war, Tu Huan, travelled as far as Baghdad, and after his release in 762 returned to Ch'ang-an and wrote a book about his experiences. Kao Hsien-chih salvaged his reputation from the defeat, and continued to command Chinese armies in the civil war which was to follow. But the T'ang never returned west of the Pamirs. The only recorded battle of pre-modern times between a great Chinese dynasty and its western equivalent had ended in a disastrous Chinese defeat
  32. ^ N. Frye, Richard (1996). The Heritage of Central Asia From Antiquity to the Turkish Expansion. Markus Wiener Publishers. p. 214. ISBN 155876111X. The end of the Umayyad Caliphate also saw the end of any serious resistance to Islam in western Central Asia. It also was the end of any Chinese intervention in the west, and the last battle of Talas (or Taraz) in July 751 marks that end. Ziyad ibn Salih, lieutenant of Abu Muslim, the architect of the defeat first of Nasr ibn Sayyar and then of the Umayyads in Iraq, had suppressed a revolt in Bukhara, and then marched against a combined Chinese and Turkish army near Talas. The ruler of Shash had invaded Ferghana, whose king had called for assistance from the Chinese, while Shash allied with the Arabs. The Turks were Karluks, who had replaced the Türgesh in this part of Central Asia. At the battle the Kariuks deserted the Chinese, who were defeated, and many captives were brought to Samarkand, where, it is reported, they started a paper making industry.
  33. ^ Daniel, Elton L. (1979). The political and social history of Khurasan under Abbasid rule, 747-820. Bibliotheca Islamica. p. 89. ISBN 9780882970257. The Ikhshid is supposed to have also requested aid from the Chinese emperor, who sent 100,000 men to attack Shash and had its ruler executed. In any event, it is certain that the Abbasid intervention in Central Asian affairs brought the Chinese into the conflict. The Abbasid forces, commanded by Ziyād b. Şalih, attacked the Chinese in a terrific battle near the Taraz river in Dhu'l-Hijja 133 (June 751 The Abbasids won a great victory, killing 50,000 men and taking 20,000 prisoners. This was one of the most significant Abbasid accomplishments in Central Asia, as it marked the perma-nent supremacy of Islamic over Chinese influence there. It also provided the Abbasids with considerable booty, including some fabulous jewels and the secret of manufacturing paper.
  34. ^ Koerting, Gayla (2022). "Battle of Talas River". EBSCO. Retrieved 21 November 2025. To stop an Arab invasion in this region, 30,000 Chinese forces, under General Gao Xianzhi, engaged the Arabs near Atlakh on the banks of the Talas River. The Chinese army suffered a devastating military defeat when their western Turkish (Qarluq) allies deserted them on the battlefield, resulting in their ground support being spread too thin.Arab rule, Islamic civilization, and power would dominate the area during the next 150 years..[..].The ramifications of the Battle of Talas were enormous for China. The Arabs captured many Chinese papermakers who worked in factories near the river. The Arabs proceeded to learn the art, keeping the papermaking process a secret, and began to export paper from distribution points outside Baghdad at inflated prices to European markets. Chinese silk workers, who were also taken as prisoners after the Battle of Talas, passed on their craft to the Arab world as well, but the quality of silk produced in the Near East never equaled that of China. Moreover,the loss of these provinces marked the decline in power of the Tang Dynasty under Emperor Xuanzong. China lost control of its main trade route, the Silk Road , for the next half century.
  35. ^ Chrissanthos, Stefan G. (2022). "Tang Dynasty". EBSCO. it was also near the end of his reign that the long decline of the Tang Dynasty began. In 751 c.e., the Chinese were defeated at the Battle of Talas River by a Muslim ՙAbbāsid army. This ended China's presence in Central Asia.
  36. ^ Millward 2007 Archived 30 November 2022 at the Wayback Machine, p. 36.
  37. ^ Frankel 2021, p. 19.
  38. ^ ed. Starr 2004 Archived 30 November 2022 at the Wayback Machine, p. 39.
  39. ^ Li 2014, p. 55.
  40. ^ a b Xue, Zongzheng (1998). Anxi and Beiting Protectorates: A Research on Frontier Policy in Tang Dynasty's Western Boundary. Heilongjiang Education Press. pp. 260–281. ISBN 7-5316-2857-0.
  41. ^ a b Bai 2003, pp. 233–234.
  42. ^ Joudah 2014, p. 83, note 1.
  43. ^ Bartold 1928, p. 196.
  44. ^ Haug, Robert (2019). The Eastern Frontier Limits of Empire in Late Antique and Early Medieval Central Asia. I.B.Tauris. pp. 155–156. ISBN 9781788310031. An embassy from the Afshin, the Sogdian title for the king of Usrüshana, arrived at the Tang court in 752 and suggested a coordinated attack against the Arabs in 'black robes' or the Abbasids. In response, the Emperor Xuánzōng asked the Afshin to help keep the peace. We do not know of any direct response against the Afshin but, according to Nasafi, Ziyād b. Şalih was sent by Abū Muslim against Bärkath, which he calls a village of Usrüshana, where he killed the dihqan, but it is not clear if these events are related.
  45. ^ Ahmed, Asad Q.; Sadeghi, Behnam; Hoyland, Robert G.; Silverstein, Adam (2014). Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts: Essays in Honor of Professor Patricia Crone. Brill. p. 269. ISBN 978-9-004-28171-4.
  46. ^ Li 2014, p. Chapter 5.
  47. ^ Rabbani, G. M. (1981). Ancient Kashmir: A Historical Perspective. Gulshan. p. 15.
  48. ^ Shaiva, Pirzada Ghulam Rasool (2021). The Wonderful Miracles of Sufi Saints of Kashmir: Majmmoa Masmooa. Ashraf Fazili. p. 22.
  49. ^ Shah, Sayid Ashraf (2021). Islam in Kashmir. Ashraf Fazili. p. 91.
  50. ^ Shah, Sayid Ashraf (2021). Flower Garden: Posh-i-Chaman. Ashraf Fazili. p. 70.
  51. ^ J & K Research Biannual. Directorate of Libraries, Research, Museums and Archaeology. 1976. p. 46.
  52. ^ Omar 2009, p. 337.
  53. ^ Wink, André (2002). Wink 2002, p. 68. Brill. ISBN 0391041746. Archived from the original on 30 November 2022. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
  54. ^ Lapidus, Ira M. (2012). Lapidus 2012, p. 230. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-51441-5. Archived from the original on 30 November 2022. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
  55. ^ Esposito 1999, p. 351.
  56. ^ Algar, Ayla Esen (1992). Lifchez & Algar 1992, p. 28. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07060-8. Archived from the original on 30 November 2022. Retrieved 15 November 2015.
  57. ^ Soucek 2000, p. 84.
  58. ^ Skaff 2012, p. 282.
  59. ^ Visvizi, Anna; Lytras, Miltiadis D.; Alhalabi, Wadee; Zhang, Xi (2019). The New Silk Road leads through the Arab Peninsula: Mastering Global Business and Innovation. Emerald. p. 19. ISBN 978-1-787-56679-8.
  60. ^ Joudah 2014, p. 79.
  61. ^ Joudah 2014, p. 79.
  62. ^ a b Mustafa 1973, p. 354.
  63. ^ a b Joudah 2014, p. 8485.
  64. ^ a b Khalaf 2014, p. 285.
  65. ^ Needham, Joseph; Ho, Ping-Yu; Lu, Gwei-Djen; Sivin, Nathan (1980). Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Apparatus, Theories and Gifts. Science and Civilisation in China. Vol. V:4. Cambridge University Press. p. 416. ISBN 052108573X.
  66. ^ Bai 2003, pp. 239–242.
  67. ^ Wan 2017, p. 11; Qi 2010, p. 221-227.
  68. ^ Sen, Tansen (2003). Buddhism, Diplomacy, and Trade: The Realignment of Sino-Indian Relations, 600-1400. University of Hawaiʻi Press. p. 34. ISBN 978-0-824-82593-5.
  69. ^ van Schaik, Sam (2011). Tibet: A History. Yale University Press. pp. 29–30. ISBN 978-0-300-15404-7.
  70. ^ Acri, Andrea (2018). "Maritime Buddhism". Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Religion. Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199340378.013.638. ISBN 978-0-199-34037-8. Archived from the original on 19 February 2019. Retrieved 30 May 2021.
  71. ^ Lewis 2009, p. 159.
  72. ^ Biran, Michal. "Biran 2012, p. 90". Archived from the original on 31 July 2021. Retrieved 2 November 2017.
  73. ^ Biran 2012, p. 90. Archived 2014-04-14 at the Wayback Machine
  74. ^ Pozzi & Janhunen & Weiers 2006, p. 114.
  75. ^ Biran 2005, p. 93.
  76. ^ Meggs, Philip B. A History of Graphic Design. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 1998. (pp 58) ISBN 0-471-29198-6
  77. ^ Quraishi, Silim "A survey of the development of papermaking in Islamic Countries", Bookbinder, 1989 (3): 29–36.
  78. ^ Bloom 2001, pp. 38–45.
  79. ^ Park 2012, pp. 25–26; Bloom 2001, pp. 38–45.
  80. ^ Bartold 1928, pp. 180–196.
  81. ^ Omar 2009, p. 336.
  82. ^ Bartold 1928, pp. 2–3.

Sources

42°31′30″N 72°14′0″E / 42.52500°N 72.23333°E / 42.52500; 72.23333