The Ait Atta (Tashelhit: Ayt Ɛeṭṭa, ⴰⵢⵜ ⵄⵟⵟⴰ) are a large Berber tribal confederation^[1] or "supertribe"^[2][3] of South eastern Morocco, estimated to number about 125,000 to 135,000 as of 1960.^[4] They are divided into "five fifths" (khams khmas), all said to descend from the forty sons of their common ancestor Dadda Atta: these "fifths" include the Ait Wallal, Ait Wahlim, Ait Isful, Ait Yazza and Ait Unibgi.^[1][3][5] They speak Tamazight.^[6][7]

A tradition of non-Atta origin claims that the Ait Atta descends from Goliath (Jalut) who left 4 sons who emigrated to North Africa from Palestine becoming the ancestors of the modern Moroccan Berbers. The oldest son Baibi was killed by Arabs while still a child hence the generalised Berber dislike of Arabs. There are 3 different traditions of the identity of the three other sons:^[8]

• Amazigh, ancestor of the Tamazight speakers of the Middle and Central High Atlas, Asusi, ancestor of the Shilha or the Susis and Arifi, ancestor of the Riffians,
• Midul, ancestor of the Zenata, Zulit, ancestor of the Masmuda and 'Atta, ancestor of the Sanhaja,
• Midul ancestor of the Ait Yafelman, Malu, ancestor of the tribes of the Middle Atlas and 'Atta, ancestor of the Ait Atta.^[9]

According to the third tradition, 'Atta had 6 sons: Hlim, 'Azza, Khalifa, Khabbash, Sful, and Mtir, ancestors of the Ait Wahlim, Ait Yazza, Ait Unibgi, Ait Khalifa, Ait Isful and Ait Ndir respectively. These are the clans of the Ait Atta.^[8]

A tradition of the Ait Atta says that they descend from the eponymous Berber ancestor Dadda Atta who was from the Saghro region and had forty sons. He employed a shepherd from the neighbouring Ait Siddrat tribe. One day, while Atta oversaw the simultaneous marriage of all forty of his sons, this shepherd betrayed Atta leading to the death of all forty of his sons at the hands of the shepherd's fellow tribesmen of the Ait Siddrat. Atta's sons managed to have already impregnated their wives before the attack and they miraculously survived the attack and conceived. Together they produced 39 sons and 1 daughter. Atta lived on until his grandsons grew up and was henceforth known as Dadda Atta meaning Grandfather Atta. With their built-up anger, they declared war on the Ait Siddrat pursuing them right up to the Tizi n-l-'Azz Pass in the Central High Atlas where Atta's mare raised her right foreleg. The Ait Atta took this as a sign that they must return to their homes in the Saghro. The Ait Siddrat did the same.^[3][10]

The Ait Atta originated as a political entity in the Jbel Saghro region in the 16th century with the founding of their traditional capital Igharm Amazdar. They subsequently expanded first northwards, becoming rivals of the Ait Yafelman, then southwards, taking control of oases in Tafilalt and the Draa River.^[1]

The expansion of the Ait Atta was often opposed not just by the Ait Yafelman but the Alaouite makhzen. Some authorities argued that the Ait Yafelman was formed to check Ait Atta power which caused the Ait Atta to be hostile to the Alaouites. Until their pacification by the French, the Ait Atta were an integral part of Bilad es-Siba. The first major clash between the Ait Atta and the forces of Moulay Ismail was in 1678 after several brothers and cousins of the sultan supported by the Ait Atta revolted against him. By the late 18th century, Ait Atta contingents were already in Tafilalt. Many more came throughout the 19th century when the continuous Ait Atta battles with the Ait Yafelman reached their peak.^[11]

By the 19th century the Ait Atta's raids went as far as Touat (in modern-day Algeria). They fiercely resisted the French entry into Morocco until 1933 and were the last of Morocco to fall under the forces of Assou Oubasslam where they fought the Battle of Bougafer [fr].^[1][3]

In 1936, French author Georges Spillmann [fr] estimated the Ait Atta at a population of 38,000 and in 1960, the anthropologist David Hart estimated the population to be about 125,000 to 135,000.^[3][4]

The Ait Atta was first divided into five fifths or khams khmas and each fifth or khums was subsequently divided into taqbilts (subtribes) which were divided into ighs amaggran (clans) then ighs ahzzan (lineages) and finally sublineages. These groups would claim descent from a common ancestor and would often be named after that ancestor who would fit somewhere in the family tree of Dadda Atta.^[12] An example is the Ait Khabbash whose name means "People of Khabbash" and who descend from the common ancestor Khabbashi or Khabbash who himself was a descendant of Dadda Atta.^[13] These groups elected their own leaders called amghar n-tamazirt but there was no leader at the head of a fifth. The supreme chief of the Ait Atta called the amghar n-ufilla ("the chief from above") was elected each year usually in spring. This system has been referred to as "annual rotation and complementarity" and it was the political system used by other Berber tribes in the Central High Atlas.^[3][5]

Each year candidates would be chosen from a specific fifth or lineage and only the members of the other four fifths would vote for a candidate from the chosen fifth. This system was also used for the lower levels. The election would take place in a place called Adman which is near their capital Igharm Amazdar. This election took place in the presence of a Sharif belonging to the Ouled Moulay Abdallah ben Hocein (Dadda Atta was said to be a disciple of Moulay Abdallah ben Hocein founder of the zawiya of Tameslouht) who was referred to as the agurram (meaning religious man or poor Sufi). The agurram would hand the elected chief a bowl of milk and when he began to drink, he would push the chief's face into it so that it spills all over his beard and clothes. After, the agurram would offer the chief some dates and all those present would be offered some milk and a date.^[3][5]

Even though the system meant in theory that the amghar n-ufilla would be elected yearly, a particularly powerful and effective leader could remain as leader for many years while a less lucky one could be removed at any time.^[3][14]

In ordinary circumstances, power traditionally rested mainly with local councils of family heads, the ajmuɛ, who decided cases according to customary law, izerf.^[15] In the oases they conquered, the Ait Atta originally dominated a stratified society, where the haratin who worked the land were often forbidden from owning it, and needed a protection agreement with an Ait Atta patron; this stratification has considerably receded since Moroccan independence with the establishment of legal equality.^[16]

Ahidus is a traditional Berber collective performance incorporating dance and oral poetry, found among many of the tribes in central and southern Morocco. It is danced and chanted by both women and men. The standard procedure among the Ait Atta is for members of each sex to dance in parallel lines facing each other.^[17][18] Ahidus is commonly done during weddings and naming ceremonies, but sometimes less formal occasions like celebrating full moons. The more people that are performing the Ahidus the more successful it is seen and Ahidus can at times have a hundred men and women performing at the same time.^[19]

Often times unmarried women and divorcees take part in the Ahidus and as the community are aware who they are, they use this opportunity to find partners. Men and women listen to their singing voices and they watch how they dance and performing Ahidus increases their chance at finding a potential partner. Married women still participate in Ahidus but only on special occasions like weddings.^[17][20]

Before the marriage is accepted, the groom goes to bride's father with a tutra (gift) consisting of two or three cones of sugar, 2 kg of henna, some kohl among other things. If this tutra is accepted, then the marriage (tamghra) will take place. Before Moroccan independence, the marriage contract would be done verbally with the local faqih and eight local important community members who acted as witnesses. After independence, the contract is drawn up in Arabic and signed by the groom and two of his notaries public.^[21]

The wedding celebration itself is typically three days long involving a three-day feast called ma'ruf. Some wealthy individuals extend it to six days. The poor only have a one-day feast called timingas.^[21] It is not uncommon for multiple marriages to occur at the same time together.^[22]

The first day of the wedding is marked by Ahidus dancing and guests begin to arrive at 7pm with the dancing and feasting going on until 4pm.^[23] On the first or second day of the wedding the bride mounts a mule, horse or camel to go to her bridal tent and she is accompanied by a group of three or four men called the isnain. A man or boy mounts the animal behind her to steady her.^[23] In the case of the Ait Khabbash, the boy must be called Muhammad.^[24] During the journey, young men will try to steal from the bride or her mount like her slippers and clothing or the red scarf covering the mount's rump. They would also try to humiliate the isnain into doing things like singing songs in their honour or kissing their hands.^[22][23] The isnain would have to prevent stealing at all costs and they would have to shoot cap pistols or flintlocks loaded with blanks to scare off the young men. If the isnain fail to prevent the bride's clothing from being stolen, they would have to pay. When the bride arrives, the groom sacrifices a sheep in their honour and if they managed to successfully prevent the thieves, they get to keep the meat. Otherwise, they have to give it to the thieves.^[23]

When the bride finally arrives, her and her entourage circle the bridal tent three times counter-clockwise. After, she is given a bowl of milk and she takes one sip and sprinkles the rest on the wedding guests. Sociologist Edvard Westermarck notes that this practice is intended to make her future "white" or lucky but art historian Cynthia Becker also links it to fertility.^[23][25]

In most areas, the bride and groom who has generally not seen the bride consummate the marriage and the bride is now unveiled so everyone can see her. The dancing always goes on another night after this to allow the bride and groom to participate.^[26] For the Ait Khabbash, the marriage is consummated on the first day of the ceremony. The second day is more festive as the wife's virginity gets proven, the marriage is consummated and everyone relaxes and have fun.^[27]

Ait Atta men commonly wear white wool cloaks called asilham alongside the striped djellaba, baggy white cotton trousers underneath and leather sandals. They also wear turbans called tikarzit which is made up of white cotton muslin but prior to French pacification they wore a turban called tabakshiut. In the eyes of the Ait Atta, the two distinguishing features of a man is his beard and turban. The colour white is commonly worn in Morocco and represents moral qualities and good fortunes.^[28][29]

Ait Atta women wore a triangular headdress called tabugst that had green cords and silver jewellery attached to it.^[29] Similarly, the silver bracelets formerly commonly worn by Ait Atta women consist of a series of triangular projections. The triangle was common in Amazigh art forms.^[30] One of the styles worn by the Ait Khabbash was called izbian n iqerroin ("bracelets of animal horns") which was made up of a series of triangular pointed projections and worn on both wrists.^[31]

Alongside the headdress, Ait Atta women wore a head and body covering alongside it. They wore a necklace of big amber beads and a woollen blanket called ahandir. Each subgroup of the Ait Atta had their own style of covering which was made from indigo-dyed cloth and ahandir to distinguish themselves from one another. Underneath all this they wore baggy women's trousers but this was introduced during the protectorate.^[29][32]

The use of indigo distinguished the Ait Atta from many other Berber groups who wore heavy wool shawls instead. For Berber women living farther north in the Middle and High Atlas, wool shawls wear more practical to protect them from the cold. Indigo was thought to have cosmetic and medicinal benefits and the French ethnographer Jean Besancenot referred to Ait Atta women as "blue women" because the colour of the indigo cotton cloth would come off their bodies "giving the skin a bluish tinge which appeals to the women of the south". For Arab and Amazigh women living south of the Atlas mountains and in the Saharan regions, indigo-dyed cotton coverings was preferred and used to protect from the harsh sun and sandstorms.^[33]

Some Ait Atta were silver jewellery featuring bird motifs and figures. For example, the insersin of the Ait Atta of Tazzarine which is an assemblage of silver money attached to three hooks and it has a small cast bird riveted to the central piece of money by a short stem. Another example is a similar bird motif found on hair pendants worn by Berber women in the Dades Valley.^[34]

The Ait Atta speak Tamazight.^[6][7] Even though the dialect spoken by the Ait Atta which has been referred to as Ait Atta Tamazight is closer to Central Atlas Tamazight, Ait Atta refer to themselves as Tashelhit speakers.^[35] An example of Ait Atta Tamazight is found in this excerpt of a folktale transliterated by linguists Simone Mauri and Harry Stroomer:^[36]

The Ait Atta Supreme Court of Appeal known as istinaf was located at the capital of the Ait Atta, Igharm Amazdar. The istinaf was made up of six men known as the ti'aqqidin or ait l-haqq (people of the truth) who were rechosen for every case. Two of the six were always chosen from Ait Yazza, two from Ait Zimru and two from Ait Hassu. They would settle any case that could not be solved locally and if they could not agree, they would bring six more arbiters with the same proportion of clans and another six if they still could not. If still an agreement was not made, then the amghar n-tmazirt (clans-chief) of the Ait Aisa n-Igharm Amazdar would come in to tip the scale in favour of one side over the other.^[3][37]

Admam near Igharm Amazdar is where the top Ait Atta chiefs were elected and Tiniurshan is where a local branch of the sharif Mulay Abdullah bin l-Hsain (the patron saint of the Ait Atta who granted them permission to codify their customary law) lived in. This is where they kept their old tribal battle flag and where they kept the two centuries old camel-skin documents Shrut n-khams khams n-Ait Atta ("Agreements of the Five Fifths").^[37]

The Ait Atta are made up of 5 khoms which together are called khams khmas (five fifths):^[1][3][5]

Khoms I:

• Aït Wahlim:
  • Aït Hassu
    • Aït Bu Daud
    • Aït Ali u Hassu
    • Aït Attu
    • Uššn
    • Uzligen
    • Aït Izzu
  • Zemru:
    • Ignaouen
    • Ilemšan
    • Aït Aïssa u Brahim
    • Aït Bu Iknifen

Khoms II:

• Aït Wallal / Aït Ounir:
  • Aït Uzzine
  • Aït Reba
  • Aït Mullah (Masufa)
  • Aït Bu Beker
  • Aït Unar

Khoms III:

• Aït Isful:
  • Aït Ichou
  • Aït Hammi
  • Aït Brahim u Hammi
  • Aït Bab Ighef
• Alwan:
  • Aït Ghenima
  • Aït Unzar
  • Aït Bu Messaud
  • Aït Sidi

Khoms IV:

• Aït Unibgi:
  • Aït Khabbash
  • Aït Umnast
  • Beni Mhamed (Arab tribe under the Ait Atta)

Khoms V:

• Aït Aïssa Mzim:
  • Aït Yazza
  • Aït Khalifa
  • Aït el Fersi
  • Aït Kherdi

• Hart, David (1984). The Ait 'Atta of Southern Morocco Daily Life & Recent History. United Kingdom: Middle East & North African Studies Press. ISBN 9780906599150.
• Becker, Cynthia J. (2006). Amazigh Arts in Morocco: Women Shaping Berber Identity (PDF) (1st ed.). Austin: University of Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-71295-9.
• Dunn, Ross E. (1973). "Berber Imperialism: the Ait Atta Expansion in Southeast Morocco". In Gellner, Ernest; Micaud, Charles (eds.). Arabs and Berbers From Tribe to Nation in North Africa. Duckworth. pp. 85–109. ISBN 978-0-7156-0639-1.