Andreas Papandreou has been listed as one of the History good articles under the good article criteria. If you can improve it further, please do so. If it no longer meets these criteria, you can reassess it.
Article milestones Date Process Result November 26, 2025 Good article nominee Listed
	A fact from this article appeared on Wikipedia's Main Page in the "Did you know?" column on January 3, 2026. The text of the entry was: Did you know ... that, under the governments of Andreas Papandreou (pictured), any Greek citizen raising political criticisms against him was considered a national security threat?
	A fact from this article was featured on Wikipedia's Main Page in the "On this day..." column on October 21, 2015.

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Archives

Archive 1

This page has archives. Topics inactive for 60 days are automatically archived by Lowercase sigmabot III if there are more than 2.

I'll note that EgyptAir Flight 648 is already linked in the section's see also so it should not be bluetext. On top of that I think we can make this section shorter with a few changes In November of 1985, EgyptAir Flight 648 from Athens was also hijacked, which ended with 61 dead -> "In November of 1985, another hijack from Athens resulted in 61 dead."

Later: Papandreou, soon after being in power, closed down a special police unit investigating the 17 November organization. -> "Soon after taking power, Papandreou closed down the unit investigating the organization."

On the assignations, the point here is that they were going on, not a complete accounting of their history. I propose Dimitrios Angelopoulos, on 8 April 1986, and two years later, the Director of Larco, Alexandros Athanassiadis.^[1] In 1990, the 17 November organization also attempted but failed to assassinate the shipping magnate Vardis Vardinogiannis. -> "Dimitrios Angelopoulos, in 1986, and two years later the Director of Larco, Alexandros Athanassiadis." Czarking0 (talk) 00:56, 7 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

I included all your proposed changes, with some minor changes:

1. I feel that "EgyptAir Flight 648" should have been in the main text. Maybe this is a consensus that I am unaware of, but as a reader, I would expect to see the keywords in the "see also" or "see further" templates in the main text. Maybe this is my personal preference, but I include your proposal.
2. The only change I made in the second was to clarify that unit is a "police unit". I hope we can tolerate one more word.
3. I made the change by commenting out the sentence regarding "Vardis Vardinogiannis". I think it is relevant, but maybe not top priority; however, I do not want this information to be lost forever. It might be useful if and when I need to expand the section on terrorism into a new article. A.Cython (talk) 03:08, 7 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Hey @A.Cython: if you want to keep information "just in case" then please don't put it in the main article page. My strategies for doing so are to put it on the talk page, where it will be archived so it can't get lost. Put it on my user page. Or to keep it in google drive. Czarking0 (talk) 14:32, 7 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Ideally, yes. I would also like a clean version. But I have not convinced myself whether this needs to be deleted or reinserted back again. There were more victims by this terrorist organization, and it is not clear to me how many should be mentioned or who. Receiving feedback from the GA review, if and once reached, I hope it will help me with the direction for the article and with cleaning up the comments. Some of these comments are leftovers from the nearly complete rewrite of the article from last October. I am not an expert historian. I just opened as many books and journals and tried to summarize his life as faithfully as I could, and these comments helped in managing the narrative. Eventually, all comments should be removed. A.Cython (talk) 21:24, 7 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

GAN is not really meant as a peer review process there is WP:PR for that. You should do the polishing before GAN. Czarking0 (talk) 01:58, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

What is your suggestion? Should I withdraw the GAN and then submit it to WP:PR or can I request a review while at the same time having GAN?A.Cython (talk) 03:52, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

You should not simultaneously GAN and PR. You already added it to GAN so I was just letting you know for the future about the two processes. Czarking0 (talk) 15:49, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Thank you. I was aware of the existence of WP:PR (never used it before). But in my mind, this was something to be used after GA review towards A or FA status. I realize now that I should have kept a closer eye. I will place the Koskotas scandal to PR on the following day. It will be instructive.A.Cython (talk) 22:14, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

I cleaned it up.A.Cython (talk) 04:03, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Nice ya, big cut Czarking0 (talk) 15:49, 8 April 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Passed. Z1720 (talk) 03:50, 26 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

The following discussion is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

---

This review is transcluded from Talk:Andreas Papandreou/GA1. The edit link for this section can be used to add comments to the review.

Nominator: A.Cython (talk · contribs) 03:20, 30 January 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Reviewer: Z1720 (talk · contribs) 18:13, 9 August 2025 (UTC)[reply]

After taking a quick look through the article, I have a couple of concerns that need to be addressed before a full review can take place:

• At over 14,000 words, this article is WP:TOOBIG and too detailed, going against summary style. I recommend that a full copy-edit be conducted and information that is too detailed be moved to other articles or removed.
• There are numerous uncited statements in the article. Some could be solved by moving the citation to the end of the sentence (if the citation verifies that information) but other uncited statements need the inline citation added. I have put "citation needed" templates where these citations are missing.

If these two problems are solved within a week, I recommend keeping this open. If this would take longer than a week, I recommend that this nomination be failed so that improvements can be done without the time constraints of GAN. Z1720 (talk) 18:13, 9 August 2025 (UTC)[reply]

First all thank you so much for willing to do this review. Your comments are of great help in improving the article. Is it possible to extent the deadline by another week. I was on vacation these days and as such it was much more difficult to adequately address your comments since I had limited access to internet and resources. Thank you again. A.Cython (talk) 10:42, 15 August 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: Yes, this can be extended. I am also going on vacation soon for about a week, so I will take another look at this upon my return. Z1720 (talk) 14:24, 15 August 2025 (UTC)[reply]

I have tackled the uncited statements. In the following days, I will deal with reducing the length of the article. However, please note that while the guideline for an WP article to be around 9000 words, there are exceptions. Articles of controversial figures, such as Winston Churchill (14857 words), George W. Bush (14380 words), Ted Kennedy (14181 words), tend to violate this guideline. The main reason from my perspective is that to carefully tackle controversial aspects require to describe in detail these aspects. Andreas Papandreou, as historian Thanos Veremis said in an interview, is the most controversial Greek political figure of the 20th century. As such, relaxing this rule to ensure that we cover accurate the literature seems reasonable, at least in my opinion. Nevertheless, I try in the following days I will do what I can to reduce the length of the article. If you have specific recommendations, please do not hesitate to mention them. Thank you for extending the deadline so that I can address your comments.A.Cython (talk) 22:13, 25 August 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: I'm checking up on this to see its progress. While I understand your argument that this is a major figure, there are many sections in the Papandreou article that are far too large for an article of this scope. For example, "Education" has four very large paragraphs: the most important aspects of his education reforms should be highlighted, while the rest of the information is moved to "Education in Greece" or spun out into a new article. This is one example of how the article can reduce information that is too detailed. I recommend that you continue moving information to other articles. Z1720 (talk) 19:10, 6 September 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: I will focus on Education subsection today. I guess the other subsection that can be shorten is the one on Terrorism. Again, thank you for being patient. A.Cython (talk) 16:40, 7 September 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: I have reduced the overall article to 12012 words from 14367 words (28 July version), which is total reduction of 2363 words. I also reorganized the structure by adding appropriate subsection titles and moved some sections under the "Legacy & assessments" section. I do hope that these changes were in the right direction. Additionally, I find it hard to see how it can be reduced further without doing some damage to the article via fragmentation. Note that in the process of completely re-writing the article almost a year ago I had to create two new articles, Koskotas scandal & 1985 Greek constitutional crisis, and so I understand the argument of moving material to other articles. However, the presented material, I think, is just enough and necessary to capture the different facets of Papandreou, but these are short enough to stand on their own. Note that both Education & Healthcare subsections are necessary because the reforms initiated by Papandreou as part of his transformative social agenda. If there are other specific comments please do not hesitate to share them. Thank you in advance.A.Cython (talk) 20:19, 20 September 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: This is excellent work, and I hope trimming the article can keep going to get it closer to 8,000 words. I noticed an entire paragraph that could be cut as it was about his daughter (and thus off-topic), so perhaps there are other spots that also have unnecessary off-topic information that can still be moved or removed. An example of this is "Greek politics before Andreas Papandreou": this article does not need this much background information in its own section as this inforamtion is in other Wikipedia articles. If anything is necessary to understand Papandreou's actions or part of his biography, it can be added to the article where it is relevant. Otherwise, this is off-topic and not necessary to understand Papandreou's biography in a Wikipedia article; if I want to know this information, I can go to the relevant Wikipedia article.

There are also several paragraphs that are much too large, like "Catharsis (1989–1990)", the third paragraphs in "Center Union rise and conflicts" and both paragraphs in "Foreign policy, NATO, Turkey". Splitting these paragraphs (or cutting some information) will help readability. Z1720 (talk) 20:44, 20 September 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: Let me know if there are additional issues for me to address. Thank you again for your comments. A.Cython (talk) 22:24, 27 September 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: The article length is the only immediate issue that needs to be resolved. Happy to review once that is resolved. Z1720 (talk) 21:17, 8 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: Please do not get me wrong. I really want to get this done fairly and properly and I am very grateful for giving sufficient time for me to make changes. I am open to suggestions, however, I do not see at the moment a path to get to 8000 words without fragmentation and oversimplifications. Both of which are terrible choices in my mind this article. Please remember that the article reduced in size by 2965 words since this review began and I introduced additional subsection titles to improve organization.

As I mentioned above, this is a politician with a very long active & controversial role in politics (approximately 46 years) in a turbulent period of Greek history (dictatorship & invasion of Cyprus, where might be blamed for both, and under his leadership 2x near national bankruptcies, explosion of foreign debt, a constitutional crisis, mega-corruption scandals, etc.), while still remembered positively by half the Greek population. Each one of these events needs to be covered and assessed the impact of his actions as covered by historians etc. For this to be done properly it takes words, many of them. Of course, we need to follow WP style and maximize the readability, but I do not see at the moment how to cut further.

From WP:CANYOUREADTHIS: There are times when a long or very long article is unavoidable, though its complexity should be minimized. For reasons that I have explained above, I believe this is article will be longer than usual. I do hope that I have done everything I could to minimize the length and keep it as concise and as organized as possible. Specific suggestions are always welcomed, though my priority is to keep an accurate depiction of this guys life and actions rather than obeying an arbitrary word limit. Indeed, sometimes rules cause more damage that helping, Wikipedia:Ignore all rules. I hope you understand. A.Cython (talk) 04:59, 9 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: IAR doesn't apply here. While this person has a long and important career, a long article makes it more difficult for readers to understand the most important aspects of his life. I have worked to cut down large articles before, most recently in Shanghai and Beyonce. I will review the article later (probably by the beginning of next week) and make suggested cuts as well as post other ideas for improvements. If you disagree with a cut, feel free to revert it but please post on this page why you think the cut should stay in the article. Please also apply some of the ideas to other parts of the article, as a stricter criteria of what to include in the article will help make decisions on what to keep. WP:REDEX is also a great resource on writing concisely: while this applies to FA articles, this is still useful for GAs. Z1720 (talk) 12:30, 9 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: Thank you for understanding. I will try one more time before Monday to make another reduction after which I will await for your detailed review and suggested improvements. A.Cython (talk) 17:41, 9 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

After some thought, I ended up with necessary step of fragmenting the article. I moved the subsections on "Foreign Policies" and "Economic Policies" to new articles: Economic policies of Andreas Papandreou & Foreign policy of Andreas Papandreou. The word count stands now at 10285 words. A.Cython (talk) 16:52, 12 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: I also merged the "Education", "Healthcare", "Social reconciliation" and "Elevation of women" under one subsection where the various reforms are summarized. The old text is moved to a new article Social reforms of Andreas Papandreou. I hope the last changes by fragmentation are in the right direction (word count is 9619). I have also created and added a sidebar template to ease navigation. I will await your input and changes.A.Cython (talk) 17:46, 14 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: After another fragmentation the current article stands at 8951 words. I do not think it can go further down. Let me your thoughts. I also would appreciate if you could provide specific review comments. Thank you. A.Cython (talk) 23:11, 16 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: If you have told me two weeks ago if I would reach the article to 8237 words, I would not believe you. Anyhow, it is done and I hope no damage has been done in the process. I am not going to touch the article so that you can perform the review with a stable version of the article. I know that you must be busy.A.Cython (talk) 03:45, 29 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@A.Cython: Thank you for doing this. I have seen your fantastic work on my watchlist, but unfortunately I've been busy with real life and wiki stuff so I haven't been able to comment. Please ping when this is ready for me to review and I will take a look. Feel free to post any questions below and I will try to answer quickly. Z1720 (talk) 12:58, 29 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720: Go ahead with the review. My last dozen edits were minor and I doubt I could make any further reductions. As I said I know that you are busy so there is no stress about it. Take your time to provide a thorough review. The reason that I say this is because your comments will also help me to finalize a number of associated articles for future GANs. I would only request to let me know your approximate timeline (i.e., weeks or months) so that I would be prepared to address your comments and make the necessary changes. Again thank you in advance for your input. A.Cython (talk) 18:02, 31 October 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Formal review start

I am copyediting the article as I review it: please feel free to revert anything you feel is not an improvement, but please note it below so that it can be discussed. Some comments below:

• "Academic career" states that he worked at York University, but "Junta and exile (1967–1974)" says he worked at University of Toronto. These are different universities: please review the sources to determine which he actually taught at.
  • [A.Cython] It is York university at Toronto. I made the necessary change in the text [1].
• "Foreign leaders agreed with Karamanlis on a plan for Greece's entry to the EEC." needs a citation
  • [A.Cython] I added a citation [2].

Note to self: stopping at "Social reforms". I will continue this later. Z1720 (talk) 03:01, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

I am going through your changes. No complains though it might take some time to settle in mind. Overall they are great. I added above my actions in tackling your comments.A.Cython (talk) 03:37, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

• Most of the second paragraph of "Papandreou in opposition (1990–1993)" is about Mitsotakis's initiatives, which is off-topic for this article. I would rephrase this section to focus on what Papandreou did during this time (including which policies Papandreou opposed and how he did so).
  • [A.Cython] I admit that this seems going off topic, but I think it essential to show how under Mitsotakis many of Papandreou's initiatives from the populist era were reversed. The catharsis era (i.e., the reversal) was rather pivotal moment in Greece, which continued into Mitsotakis short term. At least the economic policies and austerity need to be mentioned because Papandreou continued these policies with minor alterations after his return to power. So when I mentioned later on that Papandreou continued the austerity measures of Mitsotakis the reader needs to aware of them. I am open to suggestions on how it is best to be described.

• I would make it more explicit in this section that Mitsotakis is reversing Papandreou's policies, and explain how Papandreou reacted to each of these changes. Z1720 (talk) 18:43, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

• Give me a few hours to try to change it based on your suggestions.A.Cython (talk) 18:56, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

  These are the changes I made here. I removed some details that are not directly related to Papandreou and I only kept things that are directly relevant. I also tried to emphasize early on that Mitsotakis was reversing Papandreou policies. Feel free to make additional changes in this direction. A.Cython (talk) 19:17, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

• "In April 1994, Papandreou visited the United States to meet with President Clinton, who had recently recognized the new republic, but failed to make any progress" failed to make progress on what?
  • [A.Cython] I meant the naming dispute with the northern neighbor. While US recognized the existence of the country as an entity, the naming issue still was an issue. The issue was eventually resolved in the Prespa agreement in 2018. My change is here here

Pausing at "Governance and political features" Z1720 (talk) 18:00, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

FYI: I also made the following changes (I will address your comments, give me 10-20 mins):

• Added back the references for the population decline. While I am ok with the leaving out the extra explanation, I think the references should stay for the curious reader who wants to better understand the meaning of ""long-term population decline". See my change here.

More below:

• "His centralized control began to erode after the Koskotas scandal." needs a citation
  • I added a note that explains the statement supported by two references, see here.

Lead

There's lots of statements in the lead that I could not find in the article body. While this text is cited, it really should be in the article body if it is to be included here. Here are the statements that I could not find in the article body:

• "which resulted in Greece earning the reputation of Europe's "black sheep.""
  • [A.Cython] I added a brief statement with sources to support this, see here.
• "He transformed Greece's post-junta liberal democracy into a populist democracy that continues to be popular after his death."
  • [A.Cython] I added the following here.
• "His eldest son, George Papandreou, became the leader of PASOK in February 2004 and served as prime minister from 2009 to 2011." (body mentions that he became prime minister in 2009, but not other details.)
  • [A.Cython] The user Bill L. Hal added some material on George Papandreou legacy [3]. I also added the influence of Papandreou on another Greek prime minister [4], which would reinforce how Papandreou has remained popular in the Greek minds as stated in the lead.

This finishes reading through the article. More checks to follow (image, source). Z1720 (talk) 19:26, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Some of these statements were supported in the long version of the article, but with the moving of material to other articles might have broken them. If it is ok I will include brief statements to support what is mentioned in the lead.A.Cython (talk) 19:39, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Image review

• "File:Charilaos Florakis 2.jpg": No author information, and the image seems to be from a random website. How do we know the website had the proper copyright to post this?
  • [A.Cython] This one seems to be challenging. I removed it ([5]).
• "File:TWA Flight 847 Captain John Testrake with hijacker in Beirut.jpg": source is a broken link.
  • [A.Cython] I updated the file's information by providing an archived version of the original file, see here [6].
• "File:Drapeau de l'Organisation révolutionnaire du 17-Novembre.svg" source is a broken link.
  • [A.Cython] Provided an alternative source for the figure, see here: here
  • [A.Cython] Alternatively, we can the other flag found in Wiki Commons which I also had to update [7]
• File:TWA Flight 847 Captain John Testrake with hijacker in Beirut.jpg and File:Grave of Andreas Papandreou.jpg: recommend using upright per MOS:UPRIGHT
  • [A.Cython] Introduced upright to the figure, see here.

Captions are fine. All images checked. Z1720 (talk) 22:07, 2 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Let me know if I adequately addressed your comments above and if there are any other comments that need my attention. Thank you. A.Cython (talk) 18:22, 9 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

@Z1720 I was wondering if could let me know the status of the review and if there are anything pending issues that need to be addressed by me. I understand that the review can take longer, but an approximate timeline would be helpful. Happy Thanksgiving. A.Cython (talk) 14:25, 24 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

• @A.Cython: I am sorry for the delay. I have been procrastinating on this a little bit. Below is a source check, and I'll do another prose check in a few moments.

Source check

These passages contain citations generated with the Veracity user script. I then checked the sources that I could, including finding versions on archive.org. If there were no concerns, I put a green plus. Concerns are indicated with a question mark. Z1720 (talk) 02:54, 26 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Reference #	Letter	Source	Archive	Status	Notes
He obtained a divorce from his spouse in 1951 and married Chant later that year. They had three sons and a daughter. Papandreou also had, with Swedish actress and TV presenter Ragna Nyblom [sv], a daughter out of wedlock, Emilia Nyblom, who was born in 1969 in Sweden.
19		Greek Reporter Jun. 2014.
39	a	Mouzelis 1978, p. 126.
Papandreou became the target of ultra-rightists who feared that his nearly 80-year-old father would win the next election, but Andreas would be the actual focus of power in the party.
52		CIA report, Greek political scene.			Recommend adding page nnumbers
Papandreou returned to Greece after the fall of the junta in 1974, during metapolitefsi. The dominant and leading political figure in Greece was Karamanlis with the New Democracy political party; Papandreou continued to have the stigma of past events. On 6 August 1974, Papandreou dissolved PAK in Winterthur, Switzerland, without announcing it publicly.
70		The Greek Herald Sep. 2020.
the oil crisis in 1973 and 1979, which negatively affected the Greek economy,
79	a	Larrabee 1981, p. 164.		❓	Could not verify in source
Despite efforts to appease the military, Papandreou struggled with discipline as two so-called "readiness exercises" in 1982 and 1983, both followed by forced resignations, were likely failed coup attempts.
112		Danopoulos 1985, p. 94.
113		Karakatsanis 1997, p. 294.
Despite Papandreou's campaign promise to immediately remove U.S. military bases from Greece once in power, the country remained firmly within NATO. This reversal required navigation between domestic expectations—shaped by over a decade of anti-American rhetoric—and geopolitical realities, as removing the bases would have elevated Turkey's strategic value within the NATO alliance. In the 1983 agreement, all four U.S. bases established since 1952 remained in Greece for an additional five years, accompanied by increased military aid—but no guarantees against Turkish aggression.
119		Bellou, Couloumbis & Kariotis 2003, pp. 100–101.
underfunding, declining standards, and politicization of schools led to quality issues.
128	b	Clogg 2013, p. 181.
Sartzetakis faced tense parliamentary votes, with opposition leader Mitsotakis accusing Papandreou of violating constitutional protocols.
158		Clogg 1985, pp. 108–109.
Greece signed the Single European Act in February 1986, which aimed to create a single EEC market by 1992 through deregulation and reduced state intervention.
Papandreou sought this agreement to improve his image as a man of peace.
181		Clogg 1993, p. 185.
A former head of EYR appointed by PASOK claimed that none of these activities would have been possible without the prime minister's approval, implicating Papandreou.
212		Samatas 1993, pp. 45–46.
Although Mitsotakis's New Democracy secured 43%, it was insufficient to form a government. Papandreou's last-minute change of the electoral vote law required a party to win 50% of the vote to govern independently.
118	c	Clogg 2013, p. 196.		❓	Says they won 44% of the vote
Mitsotakis sought to repair relations with the U.S., which were damaged under Papandreou,
231		Bellou, Couloumbis & Kariotis 2003, pp. 100–102.
by signing a defense cooperation agreement in 1990,
232		Bellou, Couloumbis & Kariotis 2003, p. 102.
Papandreou's authority within PASOK was nearly absolute, with critics labeling him as authoritarian.
256		Clogg 2013, p. 169.		❓	Could not verify that critics labeled him as authoritarian, though I looked in the 2002 edition
PASOK often dismissed incidents as American conspiracies, or that the terrorists were freedom fighters.
286		Kaplan 1994, pp. 271–273.

I will address the concerns mentioned above.

• Larabee p. 164 (provides the status of the Greek economy) Chief among these was the deterioration of the Greek economy after 1978. This slowdown manifested itself above all in a decline in the rate of growth, which dropped from 6.4 per cent in 1978 to 1.6 per cent in 1980; a precipitous rise in inflation, which averaged 25 per cent in 1980-1981; and a growing balance of payments deficit. In addition, public dissatisfaction with the degree of inefficiency and corruption within the state bureaucracy continued to increase. However, now that read it again, it does not link the status of the Greek economy to the oil crisis of the 1970s so I removed it.

• "Although Mitsotakis's New Democracy secured 43%," I changed it to 44% to be in agreement with the source.

• "authoritarian" : I provided the quote from the book (emphasis added): Clogg 2013 p. 169: the rather ineffective anti-junta resistance group directed from abroad by Papandreou, and another left-of-centre resistance group, Democratic Defence, many of whose members were soon to rebel against Papandreou's authoritarian leadership. PASOK's performance (14 per cent) in the 1974 election was a considerable achievement, given that Papandreou had no pre-existing organisation on which to base his new party. You can verify in Google Book preview here. A.Cython (talk) 03:26, 26 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Source check: pass.

Earwig: no concerns. No plagiarism concerns from the source checks.

Overall result: pass. Congratulations, and sorry for the delay. Z1720 (talk) 03:49, 26 November 2025 (UTC)[reply]

The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

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The following is an archived discussion of the DYK nomination of the article below. Please do not modify this page. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page (such as this nomination's talk page, the article's talk page or Wikipedia talk:Did you know), unless there is consensus to re-open the discussion at this page. You can locate your hook here. No further edits should be made to this page.

The result was: promoted by AirshipJungleman29 (talk) 18:40, 28 December 2025 (UTC)[reply]

Andreas Papandreou in 1968

• ... that Andreas Papandreou (pictured), populist Greek prime minister in 1980's, had six children, four by his second wife, one out wedlock, and Costas Laliotis due to his youth and privileged access?

• Source: After their divorce he married an American, Margarita Chant, with whom he had four children. His last wife, a stewardess, was Dimitra Liani. Papandreou also had, with Swedish actress and TV presenter Ragna Nyblom a daughter out of wedlock, Emilia Nyblom. Source: [8]

• Laliotis, on the other hand, became Papandreou’s link with the party. Despite his young age, thirty, he had been one of the founding members of PASOK who knew the party's internal machinations better than anyone else. His privileged access to the Prime Minister (often described as Andreas’ ‘fifth child’) and his, then, self-professed dislike of a ministerial post made him an ideal candidate for such a ‘free-floating’ job. Featherston, Kevin & Papadimitriou, Dimitris (2015). Prime Ministers in Greece, The Paradox of Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press. page 87

• ALT1: ... that Andreas Papandreou (pictured), populist Greek prime minister in 1980's, left his estate to his mistress and then third wife, while to his four children by his second wife only his good name?

• Source: The source of the row is a will in which Papandreou left all his possessions to his second wife, former airline attendant Dimitra Liani, and told his four children that their inheritance was his good name. Papandreou's-will triggers turmoil in Greece Chicago Tribute; note that there is typo, Dimitra Liani is the third wife not the second.

• Papandreou bequeathed all his earthly possessions, including a luxury villa in the northern suburbs of Athens, to Mimi, more formally known as Dimitra, and called on his friends to protect her from the dangers that he felt would beset her. The 42-year-old former air stewardess, whose marriage to Papandreou in 1989 shocked the nation, also inherits his archives. The Papandreou testament tried to justify leaving nothing to his children. [...] Papandreou said his three sons — Georges, now the Education Minister, Andrikos and Nikos — would have to make do with “their name and their good education” as his sole legacy. [9]

• ALT2: ... that the administration of Andreas Papandreou (pictured) accused the state media's union for failing to depict Papandreou's arrival after his heart surgery similar to major events like the fall of the Junta?

• Source: The serious illness during the late summer of the Prime Minister, Andreas Papandreou, [...] Meanwhile, the affairs of state were being overshadowed by affairs of the heart, as detailed press coverage of his progress at Harefield showed him walking hand-in-hand with Dimitra Liani, a buxom former Olympic Airways hostess half his age, who had flown him to London and with whom he has had a far from discreet liaison for the past year. When, after 56 days in England, Papandreou obtained me clearance to fly back to Athens, PASOK made every effort to a triumphal welcome for his return. [...], on 25 October, journalists employed by the Greek Radio and Television Corporation (ERT) called a sudden strike on orders from the Athens Journalists' Union, alleging that the employees were given prepared texts to read as if they were on-the-spot reports at the scene of Papandreou's arrival. The government spokesman claimed the strike was illegal and clumsily accused the union of not reacting similarly when major events occurred in the past, notably in July 1974 when Konstantinos Karamanlis flew from Paris to Athens in the immediate aftermath of the fall of the Junta, and received a welcome unparalleled in size and spontaneity. It was this event which PASOK wished to rival and it signally failed to do so. Clive, Nigel (1989). "Letter from Greece—mid-December 1988". Government and Opposition. 24 (1): 74–80. doi:10.1111/j.1477-7053.1989.tb00108.x. JSTOR 44482421

• His affair became public knowledge when Liani rather than his wife was with Papandreou in London for his open-heart surgery in September-October 1988; she returned with him to Athens in late October 1988. Dobratz, Betty A.; Whitfield, Stefanie (1992). "Does Scandal Influence Voters' Party Preference? The Case of Greece during the Papandreou Era". European Sociological Review. 8 (2): 167–180. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.esr.a036630. JSTOR 522295

• ALT3: ... that Andreas Papandreou (pictured) wrote in his book Democracy at Gunpoint that his father blamed him for the 1967 Greek Junta?

• Source: The Paraskevopoulos government was our last chance for avoiding a military take-over. With your [Andreas'] militant stand against it, with your strong statements against the King, with your distrust you instilled in the American contingent here, this became inevitable. Papandreou, Andreas (1971) Democracy at Gunpoint. New York: Deutsch. p. 24.

• Secondary sources supporting the primary source+hook:
  • Andreas could not be absolved from responsibility for the divisions, entrenched positions, and prolonged impasse of the pre-1967 coup period. His own father had told him on the night of the Colonels’ coup that he had put Greece on a hazardous course and Andreas himself wondered whether he had overdone it with his radical campaigning Featherston, Kevin & Papadimitriou, Dimitris (2015). Prime Ministers in Greece, The Paradox of Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press p. 84
  • Arrested and charged with treason, then exiled, the younger Papandreou was reviled not only by the junta, but also by his political opponents and many former allies as the man chiefly responsible for the collapse of Greek democracy. Even his father disavowed him. Miller, James (2009). The United States and the Making of Modern Greece. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press page 136
  • Andreas Papandreou contributed much to the tension after July 1965 by in­flammatory attacks on the whole establishment, so undermining his father’s promises of moderation. Andreas attracted to his support 41 MPs of the EK, and acted with increasing independence of his ageing father, whom he seemed likely to succeed soon as party leader. Close, David H. (2014). Greece since 1945: Politics, Economy and Society. London & New York: Taylor & Francis page 109

ALT4: ... that Andreas Papandreou (pictured), populist Greek prime minister in 1980's, divorced his second wife at age 70 to marry Dimitra Liani, an air stewardess half his age? Source: Former Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou today married Dimitra Liani, an airline stewardess half his age, after a torrid public love affair that scandalized many and contributed to his election defeat. Papandreou, 70, and Liani, 34, married in a small Greek Orthodox chapel in the luxurious northern suburb of Ekali, where they have lived together since October. Los Angeles Times

ALT5: ... that the governement of Andreas Papandreou (pictured) mired with numerous corruption scandals by late 1980's that led to an unexpected collaboration between conservatives and communists to indict him?

• Source: (for details read the Catharsis subsection)

It formed an alliance in December 1988 with the former Communist Party of the Interior in an alliance calling itself the Coalition of the Left and Progress (abbreviated to Coalition), which hoped to displace PASOK as the major party of the left. In the same month, representatives of the Communist Party, the Communist Party of the Interior and New Democracy met to concert policies, prominent in which was katharsis (cleansing, meaning investigation and trial of corrupt members of the PASOK regime). Close, David H. (2014). Greece since 1945: Politics, Economy and Society. London & New York: Taylor & Francis page 159

• [...] communists now held the key portfolios of the interior and of justice. Mitsotakis, while remaining party leader, stood aside for Tzannis Tzannetakis, a New Democracy deputy and former naval officer widely respected for his opposition to the military dictatorship, to become prime minister. The new coalition professed a single objective, namely ‘catharsis’, the bringing to justice of those implicated in the scandals of the later years of the PASOK government, following which new elections would be held. [...] Once the process of ‘catharsis’, in the form of the establishment of parliamentary commissions to investigate the scandals, was firmly under way, further elections were called for 5 November 1989. Richard Clogg (2013). A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press pp 197-198

• In September 1989 the Greek Parliament voted to have Papandreou tried by a special court for his alleged involvement in the $230 million bank embezzlement scandal involving the Bank of Creteand its former owner George Koskotas. Dobratz, Betty A.; Whitfield, Stefanie (1992). "Does Scandal Influence Voters' Party Preference? The Case of Greece during the Papandreou Era". European Sociological Review. 8 (2): 167–180

• ALT6: ... that Andreas Papandreou (pictured) repealed the 1978 anti-terrorist law in 1983, arguing anarchists do not exist, and if they did, Greece's climate would keep them inactive? Source: PASOK's main argument in opposing this law was that terrorism does not exist and could not exist simply because the preconditions did not exist. "Terrorist actions are committed by fascist and anarchical elements who do not belong to the society. In Greece, anarchists do not exist, and even if they did, the appropriate climate does not exist for them to act." [...] In sum, Papandreou and his PASOK party this anti-terrorist bill 'does not concern the terrorists but it creates the ideological and political conditions to terrorize the Greek populace'. Indeed, these were the reasons behind Papandreou's decision to abolish the law in 1983 when PASOK was the government. Kassimeris, George (1993). "The Greek state response to terrorism". Terrorism and Political Violence. 5 (4): 288–310
• ALT7: ... that Andreas Papandreou's (pictured) appearances in Parliament during the 1970's with turtleneck sweaters instead of shirt and tie boosted his popularity as a "rebel" against the conservative establishment? Source: [...] the appearance in parliament of socialist Andreas Papandreou, the then leader of PASOK (acr Panhellenic Socialist Movement), wearing a jacket over a turtleneck, had signalled until the then questioning been expressed of the by symbolically-named wearing a suit with ‘establishment,’ a starched white which, shirt in and terms a tie, ofi.e. attire, the attire of right-wing politicians as represented by Constantine Karamanlis. [...] However, the use of this particular attire did not last as, in the late 1970s - early 1980s, in his appearances as leader of PASOK movement and later as Prime Minister of Greece, Papandreou's turtneck was superseded by a suit with a shirt and tie [...] Macha-Bizoumi, Nadia (2020). "The Attire of Politicians in Modern Greece: A Language of Communication" (PDF). Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology. 2 (4): 17–34.
• ALT8: ... that under the governments of Andreas Papandreou (pictured) the definition of "national security threat" changed to be any Greek citizen raising criticism against him for political purposes?

• Source: It is indicative that the EYP director C. Tsimas appointed 12 highly paid EYP wiretapping listeners (of which only three knew a foreign language), strictly on the basis of their blind devotion to PASOK and Papandreou. It is interesting to note the interpretation of the term "national security" that one of these listeners related at the committee hearings: "To make polemic critique against the Prime Minister and the Ministers of the government, constitutes a dangerous act for the country's national security." Samatas, Minas (1993). "The Populist Phase of an Underdeveloped Surveillance Society: Political Surveillance in Post-Dictatorial Greece". Journal of the Hellenic Diaspora. 19 (1): 31–70

• Andreas continued to use the national broadcasting organisation as a public rela­tions agency, while his ministers openly threatened unfriendly newspapers. It emerged in 1989 that the National Information Service (successor to the Central Intelligence Service), through the state telecommunications organ­isation OTE, had been bugging over 46,000 phones of politicians, journalists, businessmen and lawyers; and that the information thus obtained was apparently used by the prime minister for party purposes. Close, David H. (2014). Greece since 1945: Politics, Economy and Society. London & New York: Taylor & Francis pages 158-159

• Reviewed:
• Comment: This is the second DYK nomination. Any advice is welcomed as I am still learning what works and what does not. Thank you.

Improved to Good Article status by A.Cython (talk). Number of QPQs required: 0. Nominator has fewer than 5 past nominations.

A.Cython (talk) 07:19, 27 November 2025 (UTC).[reply]

• General eligibility:
• New enough:
• Long enough:
• Other problems:

Policy: Article is sourced, neutral, and free of copyright problems
Adequate sourcing: Neutral: Free of copyright violations, plagiarism, and close paraphrasing:

Hook: Hook has been verified by provided inline citation
Cited: Interesting:

Image: Image is freely licensed, used in the article, and clear at 100px.
Freely licensed: Used in article: Clear at 100px:

QPQ: Done.

Overall: I think ALT8 is the most hooky. Great work at expanding to GA a vital Greek biography with lots of non-English sources. No Swan So Fine (talk) 10:07, 1 December 2025 (UTC)[reply]

So, I have just looked at the sourcing of only a few sentences that looked just a bit too propagandistic/ideological and nearly each of these sentences has turned out to contain significant to massive distortions, additions of claims not found in sources, etc., which I have tried to correct as much as possible with my recent edits. Judging from this tiny 'sample', it seems likely that there are hundreds of other misrepresentations of sources. Overall the article reads like a character assassination, besides the very clear ideological framing, and sources have been misrepresented to assist in this aim; I do not exclude the possibility that the editor was so blinded by his passionate adherence to his political views that he was genuinely incapable of distinguishing between what the sources say and his own preconceived notions, but the result is the same in either case. Declaring something like this to be 'a good article' is a parody. Before people promote something to a GA, they should bother to compare the claims found in it with the sources it cites.

Anyway, whoever was capable of distorting sources to such an extent is likely to also engage in an edit war to preserve the distortions, especially now that I have called attention to them on the talk page. I don't intend to deal with this any further. But - provided that this comment isn't deleted, too - anyone else who bothers to check the cited sources will see that my corrections were right. ~2025-43840-74 (talk) 08:57, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

Did you read the sources? If so, do you have any evidence so that we made appropriate changes? If not then I strongly suggest to read the sources carefully. Expressing your opinion simply wastes everyone's time.A.Cython(talk) 15:15, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

Dear A.Cython, your edits are highly biased and a product of extensive cherry-picking. And much of your phrasing can be easily deleted. Examples:

• "His governance was tarnished by numerous corruption scandals, a soft stance on terrorism, democratic backsliding,[9]"

On page 187 of Modern Greece: A History since 1821 we find nothing about about corruption scandals, soft stances on terrorism and only hints to democratic backsliding, that are actually negated by the source itself. If your reference points to "democratic backsliding", we read: "The major casualty of Andreas’s polarization tactics was the long-term legitimacy of democratic institutions.8 Unlike the Communist Party, which was a veritable antisystem organization,9 opposed to the Greek establishment, PASOK by and large observed the rules of parliamentary democracy. In practice, however, Andreas often challenged certain principles of the constitutional regime by giving priority to the “needs” of the people over the authority of institutions.10"

• "Under Papandreou, the Greek economy diverged from the European average because of large-scale patronage, misuse of European Union funds, and excessive foreign borrowing, which resulted in Greece earning the reputation of Europe's "black sheep".[10][11]"

In source 10, p. 224, we read that Greece was a "black sheep" of foreign policy; in the European economy it was "a lost cause". Then, that ludicrous article of 2007 goes on to praise Simitis for pages and hails his premiership as the best one that will save Greece. In 2007. Is this article a good choice for citations in 2025? Source 11 is even more laughable; it mentions the all time highs of the Athens Stock Exchange of 1999 as a sign that Greece is a good European country again! Dear A.Cython, these are the articles you cherry-picked to cite?

• "He transformed Greece's post-junta liberal democracy into a populist democracy that continues to be popular after his death.[iii][12][13][14]."

This sentence makes absolutely no sense. And it makes no sense because the term "populist democracy" is an invention of the author of the source (some Takis Pappas): "This article makes the case for a novel democratic subtype, populist democracy, indicating a situation in which both the party in office and at least the major opposition force(s) in a pluralist system are populist." Is the term understandable unless one has read the article before? Why did you use it, if not for exploiting its negative connotations?

In conclusion, the article is not neutral at all and the lead is wretched. Dimboukas (talk) 16:07, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

First of all, tone down the accusations. I put far too much effort to reduce the negative remarks found in the books, and so to accuse me that I am cherry picking, especially with a history of multiple people ignoring WP:RS without providing sources themselves, is not very nice. Thus, I am defensive on anyone attacking without evidence.

Now, the lead is a summary of the main text and in the main text. Moreover, the article had reached 15000 words at a certain point and the current version is less than 8000 words. In other words, there had been heavy-duty summary-azation and priorities had to be taken what was important and what it was not. So maybe some of the text might need some additional clarifications.

• Numerous scandals existed, (according to a source, the number is 200+). Do you have a source that says otherwise?
  • Dobratz, Betty A.; Whitfield, Stefanie (1992) Koutsoukis (1989) claims that according to the reports of various journals and papers there were over 200 scandals or cases of corruption during the PASOK administration.

Now the democratic backsliding or my initial phrase "damage to democratic institutions"

• Koliopoulos & Veremis 2009 p 187: The major casualty of Andreas’s polarization tactics was the long-term legitimacy of democratic institutions. That's what happens in populism, a populist leader adopts the cloak of the will of the people and in the process damage (liberal) democratic institutions to advance his/her agenda. Such institutions were the free press, the courts, rule of law, etc. Here are specific examples where Andreas ignored or attacked these democratic institutions:
  • Now the democratic backsliding is also related to 1985 Greek constitutional crisis, see the analysis Constitutional crisis evaluation and political consensus, where political and constitutional experts described the constitutional crisis as a damage to the long term legitimacy of the constitution. Moreover, there are instances where Papandreou damaged the judicial independence, i.e., look Koskotas scandal, and attacking the freedom of the press, clear characteristics of a liberal democracy. Here are some examples:
    • Gunther p. 185 The major attack on judicial independence occurred in the winter of 1988, when the Papandreou government tried to neutralize the judicial investigation of the economic scandals. Justice minister Agamemnon Koutsogiorgas—who one year later would become the main accused in the trial of the Koskotas Scandal—submitted a draft law to Parliament with the ultimate aim of avoiding, or at least delaying, the convocation of the Athens Appeals Court, which had the responsibility for initiating criminal proceedings concerning financial scandals. The Papandreou government’s draft law entrusted the convocation of the plenary session to the principal of the court, who would be chosen by the Supreme Judicial Council. Given the progovernmental composition of the Council, it was clear that the principal of the Athens Appeal Court would do everything possible to avoid judicial investigation of the scandals. In an unheard-of-event in Greek judicial history, the entirety of professional associations of those working in the judicial system (judges, lawyers, and court clerks) rallied against the draft law, but PASOK’s governing majority passed the law by adopting emergency procedures in parliament. In other less overt threats to judicial independence, the successive governments of Andreas Papandreou from 1981 to 1989 did not hesitate to ignore the seniority criterion for promotions, in order to appoint individuals with well-known prosocialist views to the leadership of the judiciary, a practice that was followed by subsequent governments—both ND and PASOK—in the 1990s.
    • Close p 158 Andreas continued to use the national broadcasting organisation as a public relations agency, while his ministers openly threatened unfriendly newspapers. Note that in the 1980s the state had the monopoly over TV and radio... so the few independent newspapers were threatened by the Andreas's governments. How would you call this?
    • Featherstone & Katsoudas 1987 pp 27-28 (removal of checks and balances) the present author believes that, in any event, the abolition of the President's powers was a long-term objective of Dr Papandreou. He and his party could easily cope with an impotent Parliament. [...] In consequence, most of the powers are now effectively transferred into the hands of the Prime Minister, who now becomes a true "parliamentary autocrat." Not very democratic if you ask me, not to mention that the election of Papandreou's presidential candidate took place in constitutional dubious at best actions that had to do with the constitutional principle of the secrecy of the vote!!!
      • Kalyvas 1997, p. 97 To obtain the necessary parliamentary majority PASOK had recourse to means of dubious legality, such as the use of highly visible colored ballots to spot potential defectors. [...] As Papadopoulos (1989:64) points out, "such disputes suggest that there is no consensus among the two major parties over the constitutional issue. . .. Institutional instability thus becomes an integral part of party competition. Rotation of power in Greek politics is far removed from democratic standards elsewhere. Divisive issues on a fundamental level represent a substantial threat to the legitimation of the political system." Note that a Greek court later deemed the election of the president as unconstitutional, see 84464/1985 Αρχείον Νομολογίας (Magistrate's Court (Μονομελούς Πλημμελειοδικείου Αθηνών) 1985); added by another editor in relevant article.
    • Pappas 2014 p. 28 [...] the new government used three means: state grabbing, institution bending, and political polarization.
      State grabbing entailed staffing the state with die-hard party loyalists and revising the constitution. As will be shown in more detail general government employment grew in the 1980s about four times as fast as employment in the private sector. The new posts were filled with party appointees (aptly labeled ‘green guards’ [πρασινοφρουροί] recalling the color of PASOK) so that, eventually, the lines between the party and the state began to blur. As party membership became a requirement for finding a job in the public sector,2 the number of PASOK members doubled between 1981 and 1983 from 100,000 to 200,000, and continued to rise for some years thereafter, albeit at a slower rate. In addition, after its victory in the 1985 general election, PASOK revised the 1975 constitution by diminishing the role of the president and transferring most of his prerogatives to the prime minister, who was now made the central actor in the political system at the expense of horizontal accountability (Alivizatos 1990).
      Bending, and even disregarding, liberal institutions was PASOK’s second strategy in the 1980s as successive governments compromised, impaired, or otherwise twisted them in the ostensible pursuit of popular sovereignty. There is more along those lines.
• "Populist democracy". You want to tell me that Papandreou is not related to "Λαοκρατία" (equivalent to "populism")? There are books on the issue, e.g., https://books.google.com/books?id=8ImyAAAAIAAJ, that appeared much before Pappas. The title of another book is Greece, 1981–89: The Populist Decade by Editor Richard Clogg, where chapters are used in the main text regarding this transformation, i.e., on populism. "Populist democracy" is a term used by WP:RS to describe the political transition happening in Greece in mid-1980s (as well in other countries) where populism was becoming a defining feature of governance. Whether it is negative or not is irrelevant and a topic for a different article.
• "Black sheep" the sources are there to support the use of the term black sheep. Note that 'black sheep' is more positive than "lost cause". What should I write, i.e., Greek economy was hopeless under Andreas? Black sheep simply means eccentric or one that is different from the rest. Again the structure of the particular sentence was to reflect the chronic budget deficit under Papandreou governments.
  • Tsoukalis 1999, pp. 65–74 In the 1990s, it became fashionable to portray Greece as an awkward partner or indeed a black sheep in the European Union: an economic laggard, falling behind in the European income league, with large budget deficits and double-digit inflation, who also acted in a particularly uncooperative manner in the attempts made by its Western allies to stabilize the Balkan region. This followed a decade of economic mismanagement and rhetorical outbursts in the area of foreign policy, coupled with the habit of adding dissenting footnotes to joint communiqués issued by the European Community (as it was still called at the time) and NATO.
  • Feasterstone 2005, pp 224-225 Amidst the pattern of change and continuity, the overall picture is of Greece moving away from the distinctive, impassioned and populist politics of the 1980s. The external image of Greece has thus shifted: from that of the ‘black sheep’ of European foreign policy and a lost cause in the European economy, to that of a more consensual partner gradually building a ‘stabilisation state’ at home (Pagoulatos 2003). note that there is no comma in "...policy and a lost..." meaning that the black sheep characterization may apply to both on foreign policy and to economic situation. But "lost cause" does sound worse. So do you recommend to change it to "lost cause"?

Finally, you made an interesting comment might reveal the source of your WP:POV: Then, that ludicrous article of 2007 goes on to praise Simitis for pages and hails his premiership as the best one that will save Greece. In 2007. You disregard a WP:RS because its author later on praise Costas Simitis in 2007? Let's put aside that Simitis was not a prime minister from 2004 onward, so the handling of the 2009 crisis should fall on those that failed to govern (even though Simitis gave ample warnings of mishandling on the economy and he was ignored). Do you want a more recent source about Simitis's legacy, say from 2020?

• Featherstone & Sotiropoulos 2020 Oxford University Press pp 673-674 It is still too early for a definitive assessment of Simitis’s legacy to be arrived at. While the jury is still out, however, the evidence at hand to date, suggests tentatively, that, when Minerva’s owl, famously invoked by Hegel in his Introduction to the Philosophy of Right, eventually arrives at dusk, the verdict of history will, overall, be more positive than negative. (Hegel, 1970: 28). If borne out, such an eventual verdict, based on the benefit for detached and dispassionate analysis generated by temporal distance, would suggest interesting parallels with the treatment which the passage of time has accorded to the legacies left behind by such predecessors as Charilaos Trikoupis, arguably the dominant Greek statesman of the second half of the nineteenth century, Eleftherios Venizelos, the towering personality of the Greek political scene during the first half of the twentieth century, and, more recently, Constantine Karamanlis. The reform initiatives and achievements associated with all three quite often generated heated acrimony, controversy, and conflict during their lifetimes but, over time, gained wider acceptance, recognition, and approval. Such an eventuality will, moreover, also arguably confirm Simitis’s stature as a leader steadfastly committed to the pursuit of a major and qualitative paradigm shift in Greek politics, based on the positive sum logic of consensus and compromise that contributes to less sectarian and conflictual politics, ensures a higher quality democracy in Greece and strengthens its anchoring within the enduring institutional context of liberal democracy and the rule of law in the European Union. emphasis in every quote is mine.

Again, the lead is meant to summarize what is in the main text, it should not be judged as the main text. I would appreciate if you could provide sources to understand what is the source of your objections. Once you provide sources we will try to include them. A.Cython(talk) 20:44, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

This is very complicated and I encourage further discussion. @A.Cython: you may want to consider desourcing the lead and relying on the lead being a summary of the body to provide sources. I think this is working somewhat well on controversial articles like Donald Trump. I think with the breadth summarized in the lead it will be tough to provide/show/agree exact wording with the sources. However, it certainly should be the case that editors can agree on lead wording to summarize specific sections of the body. Then the claims in the body can be directly supported by the sources. Czarking0 (talk) 22:33, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

Let's see how it will go in the following couple of days and then I might do so. I am well aware that the lead does not need citations. However, the reason that the citations were added was in response of people changing the lead to something that was not reflective of the main text. Papandreou is still considered as a messiah in some parts of Greece, i.e., viewed as savior, while the enemies viewed him as the exact opposite. Historian Thanos Veremis [el] consider Andreas as the more controversial figure in Greek history because while he had the capacity and intelligence to do many great things, instead did little, see interview (in Greek). So unless we approach the topic as objectively as possible, we will never escape the theological depiction of politics in Greece, i.e., he cannot do wrong mentality. This is not the first time I had to face attacks on the sources, because once we start removing sources then anything can be said. A.Cython(talk) 22:49, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

@Czarking0 Even though I request them for WP:RS none is given and so their attacks boils down to that word is not in a sentence, while ignoring the rest of what the source saying. Thus according to them it is cherry picking or anything else, demanding the complete removal, elsewhere even the deletion of an article. There is no disagreement about the legacy in the presented sources. Making changes to please the political sensitivities without evidence runs afoul to WP principles. I am open to changes once I see the sources. A.Cython(talk) 23:05, 3 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

Andreas had vilified Mitsotakis for Iouliana of 1965 as a "traitor" and a "nightmare" - Given that the most notorious traitor in Greek history was named Ephialtes of Trachis which is spelled the same way as the Greek word for nightmare, I suspected Papandreou simply called Mitsotakis a traitor.

Costas/Kostas are hypocoristics of Constantinos/Konstantinos, so ideally the name should be spelled uniformly across the article.

The last sentence in note vi is uncited.

Grats on bringing an extremely important topic in Greek history to GA. Catlemur (talk) 14:08, 5 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]

Many thanks for your comments and kind words, it was a struggle to bring it to GA status.

• I removed the "nightmare" as I agree with you that it is redundant. Though I think Papandreou (without evidence) used "nightmare" more often, he liked to talk symbolically.
• I also changed Costas to Kostas and Constantine to Konstantinos to make it consistent in the text.
• Added a source+citation to the last sentence of note vi. A.Cython(talk) 23:14, 5 January 2026 (UTC)[reply]